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Martin Heale

This section observes comment on and criticism of monastic life in late medieval and early Tudor England, and includes not only literature, but also the political and financial manifesto of the Lollards, and an unusual but suggestive episode from fourteenth-century Exeter.

in Monasticism in late medieval England, c. 1300–1535
C. E. Beneš

affect the balance of the bodily humours: see Isidore, Etymologies 4.5, 4.6.17, 13.11. 25 ‘Swampy places’ ( loca paludosa ) is the same phrase Jacopo uses for Antenor's criticism of the Venetian lagoon in part 1.3, above (at n. 38); this is therefore a snide comparison of Genoa's climate versus Venice's (and perhaps

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
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Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

that Wala was Lothar’s man, Radbert’s attempt to represent him as an independent agent is interesting, and so is the criticism of Louis’ eldest son that he puts into his master’s mouth. Apart from his wish to put some distance between Wala and Lothar, there are also several instances in which Radbert the author seems to distinguish himself from his master, for example by depicting himself as a mediator between Louis the Pious, who was eager for reconciliation, and an intransigent Arsenius who stuck to his principles, no matter what. 67 This no doubt serves to

in Confronting crisis in the Carolingian empire
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Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

, nor fear for the future, nor promises [p. 66] of material rewards, nor unending varieties of torment, nor any authority could recall from the charity of Christ and love for his fatherland and people, from love for the Church and loyalty to the emperor. 42 For these and many other reasons, therefore, he spoke resolutely, like another Jeremiah. He reserved particular criticism for the army of clerics in the palace (whom they popularly call ‘chaplains’), because this is not any order of the Church. For they do not serve for any other reason than for the sake of the

in Confronting crisis in the Carolingian empire
E.A. Jones

from visitors. William Langland is scathing in his criticism of ‘ancres there a box hangeth’ – that is, whose cells feature a prominently displayed collection box. 15 The household accounts of nobles and gentry often include small donations made on visits to a recluse. Anchorites could also be singled out for legacies when people came to make their wills. We noted in the Introduction the bequests made by Henry

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
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Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

– which is what you criticise in me! Severus: I certainly dare to, but one should not speak recklessly about another person. Pascasius: Take care, brother, lest you run afoul of the criticism of the comic poets. 214 For as they say, it is impossible for anyone to be free or obedient, or to know how to handle the truth correctly, or to know another or be known by him, in the absence of an honourable life. Perhaps this is the reason that you do not wish to show how much you cared for him, and that he did not dare to trust you as a father should. If this had been

in Confronting crisis in the Carolingian empire
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I.S. Robinson

Christ and the commandment of God’. 95 At their head were ‘the monks of Hirsau, from whose school came … that civil war by which that single order of monks has long been split into very many sects’. In an extraordinary escalation of Lampert’s criticisms of the ‘new’ monasticism, the polemic of the anonymous monk of Hersfeld ascribes to the proponents of monastic reform responsibility not only for the

in The Annals of Lampert of Hersfeld
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Andrew Rabin

identification of the manuscripts of the archbishop’s ‘commonplace book’ (though the term itself has been subject to criticism). 220 Bethurum’s most influential contribution, however, has been her edition of Wulfstan’s homilies. 221 Although more limited than Napier’s edition – she only edits twenty-one homilies, in contrast to his sixty-two – Bethurum’s was the first to provide

in The political writings of Archbishop Wulfstan of York
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Rachel Stone and Charles West

intention had been to support Charles the Bald, it would be difficult to explain why he did not shy away in De divortio from transparent criticism of Charles, notably for his role in supporting Theutberga’s brother Hubert. 83 More important in motivating Hincmar’s response was probably his very strong sense of the duties of bishops towards those committed to their pastoral charge

in The divorce of King Lothar and Queen Theutberga
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Gervase Rosser

crucifix during a procession through the city. The second, an inquisition into the property held by Jews in the city in 1290, was one of the concluding acts of the tragic process by which the Jews were expelled from England in that year. They had ceased to be vital to royal finance, and were increasingly a religious embarrassment in the context of ecclesiastical criticism. The list reflects a great reduction in the

in Towns in medieval England