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Will Leggett

Introduction It is ironic that the surest indication of the durability of the Third Way is the continuing attention paid to it by its critics. This collection has provided a flavour of the range of such criticism from different disciplinary, analytical and political perspectives. But what general conclusions can be drawn from contributions such as

in The Third Way and beyond
Paul Kelemen

complicity in the massacre of Palestinians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps: ‘I can only say that I wish people had shown equal concern at the massacre of 20,000 men, women and children in Hama Northern Syria last year by the troops of the Syrian government … I wish, too, that our movement showed the same concern at the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of men in the war between Iraq and Iran.’1 Criticism along these lines has continued to be made and with increasing stridency. The journalist Nick Cohen in a polemic that indicts the left for being indulgent of

in The British left and Zionism
Europe, nationalism and left politics
Andy Storey

the same is not true of left-wing voters nor of the parties (the ones here defined as radical) to the left of social democracy. 1 How then have these latter voters and parties responded to growing – if often diffuse and volatile – popular criticism of the ‘European project’? And how might they respond in the future? This chapter seeks to answer these questions by, first, locating left-wing criticism of European integration within a historical context – there is a particular tradition of left

in The European left and the financial crisis
A response to Barry
Keith Dowding

why the concept was developed in the first place. All too often, concepts are developed for a specific purpose, but are then used rather differently. Criticisms are often directed at the concept or distinction as they are later used and the original context is lost from sight. Examples of this process include Clarence Stone’s (1989a) concept of ‘regime’ (see Dowding 2001b). This was initially developed to explain why politicians who apparently had divergent ideologies and divergent electoral bases of support end up producing convergent policies – especially over

in Power, luck and freedom
Open Access (free)
Their basis and limits
Catriona McKinnon

criticisms. Section 1 explores two approaches to rights – the interest-based (IB) approach, and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. Section 2 then compares the ways they relate to other social duties. It shall be argued that only the Kantian approach fully escapes the second criticism by positively requiring that

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
Criticisms, futures, alternatives

In the late 1990s Third Way governments were in power across Europe - and beyond, in the USA and Brazil, for instance. The Third Way experiment was one that attracted attention worldwide. The changes made by Left parties in Scandinavia, Holland, France or Italy since the late 1980s are as much part of Third Way politics as those developed in Anglo-Saxon countries. Since the early 1990s welfare reform has been at the heart of the Centre-Left's search for a new political middle way between post-war social democracy and Thatcherite Conservatism. For Tony Blair, welfare reform was key to establishing his New Labour credentials - just as it was for Bill Clinton and the New Democrats in the USA. Equality has been 'the polestar of the Left', and the redefinition of this concept by Giddens and New Labour marks a significant departure from post-war social democratic goals. The most useful way of approaching the problem of the Blair Government's 'Third Way' is to apply the term to its 'operational code': the precepts, assumptions and ideas that actually inform policy choice. The choice would be the strategy of public-private partnership (PPP) or the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), as applied to health policy. New Labour is deeply influenced by the thoughts and sentiments of Amitai Etzioni and the new communitarian movement. Repoliticisation is what stands out from all the contributions of reconstructing the Third Way along more progressive lines.

Jeremy C.A. Smith

regarded as a species of presentism that ignores longer historical trajectories and complex historical processes. However, there are exceptions. The multidimensional accounts of the emergence of globality by Roland Robertson and Goran Therborn address the criticisms of globalisation analysis. Robertson does so as an interlocutor with civilisational analysis; Therborn’s perspective is contrapuntal –​ both exercise a historical sensibility. Common ground exists where the problematics of world region and regionalisation come into focus. By contrast, Marxism is largely

in Debating civilisations
Sarah Hale

MacIntyre’s criticism of liberalism is thus far broader than Sandel’s. His objections are to the entire post-enlightenment liberal tradition, rather than to any specific work, and he expresses concerns about liberalism’s substantive moral implications, in addition to questioning its conceptual coherence. His thesis is that liberal societies are in a state of confusion, clinging to

in The Third Way and beyond
Bernadette McAliskey

tall in my line of intellectual giants, John Hume proclaims Edmund Burke as his hero. Plus ça change! There may be a dissertation lurking here for some brave soul. The Enlightenment may not by twenty-first century standards have been all that enlightened, but the new thinking, the challenge to the old order, and the resulting social change make the literature of this era compulsory and compulsive reading. The story goes something like this. Edmund Burke published a damning criticism of the French Revolution, to which among others both Thomas Paine and Mary

in Mobilising classics
Coach–coachee
Nanna Mik-Meyer

level and thereby of changing the focus from economic strategies and financial redistribution to the ‘moral imagination of policy makers, politicians and service providers’ (McDonald et al. 2003: 520; McDonald and Marston 2005). Because the pedagogical authority automatically centres around the attitudes, motivations, responsiveness and deficits of the unemployed, this type of authority will always run the risk of infantilising the welfare client (McDonald and Marston 2005: 387). As the discussions have shown so far, much criticism is aimed at welfare work which

in The power of citizens and professionals in welfare encounters