expect a response from their audience. The previous chapter has
focused on the incidence and contents of clerical denunciations.
This chapter examines the ensuing interaction with republicans.
Often the response took the form of verbal criticism, either in
the church itself or elsewhere. The interaction included theological arguments about the legitimacy or otherwise of IRA killings.
Moreover, priests did not always stop at words, and some intervened actively to prevent the carrying out of IRA operations. By
way of response, Volunteers sometimes resorted to
This book investigates the ways in which the crusades have been observed by historians from the 1090s to the present day. Especial emphasis is placed on the academic after-life of the crusades from the sixteenth to twenty-first centuries. The use of the crusade and its history, by humanists and other contemporary writers, occupied a world of polemic, serving parochial religious, cultural and political functions. Since the Renaissance humanists and Reformation controversialists, one attraction of the crusades had lain in their scope: recruited from all western nations, motivated by apparently transcendent belief systems and fought across three continents. From the perspective of western Europe's engagement with the rest of the globe from the sixteenth century, the crusades provided the only post-classical example to hand of an ideological and military world war. Remarkably, the patterns of analysis of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century have scarcely gone away: empathy; disapproval; relevance; the role of religion; materialist reductionism. Despite the explosion of literary attention, behind the empathetic romanticism of Michaud or the criticism of Mills and Scott, the themes identified by Thomas Fuller, Claude Fleury, David Hume, Edward Gibbon and William Robertson persisted. The idea of the crusades as explicit precursors to modern events, either as features of teleological historical progress or as parallels to modern actions remains potent. The combination of ideology, action, change, European conquest and religious fanaticism acted as a contrast or a comparison with the tone of revolutionary and reactionary politics.
forms of worship;
the wealth of the Church; the historical forms of Church government. Probably much criticism of Heylyn as an unscrupulous
polemicist derives from the fact that his views were so influential.
Heylyn’s book appeared in print just seven years after Thomas
Fuller’s The Church History of Britain (1655),39 which has
recently been described as the first comprehensive Protestant
history of the English Church, and must have seemed to be a
response to it. Fuller’s work, which was in its turn a reply to the
various Catholic detailed versions of English Church
debates concerning appropriate relations between
literature and theology are not a primary concern. There are many reasons
why this is so. Chief among these is the fact that literature written by
women is so rich in its references to the divine.
Early works of feminist criticism celebrated the discovery of this remarkable spiritual legacy and demonstrated how the spiritual radicalism of women’s
creative writing posed a direct challenge to the conventions of domestic piety
usually deemed appropriate to women. For this reason women authors often
found it necessary to
The reign of frightfulness: clerical responses
to the British campaign
As the conflict progressed, clerical criticism of the British campaign
became ever more vociferous. The bishops gave a clear lead in their
October pastoral of 1920. This document blasted the ‘terrorism’
perpetrated by the crown forces and compared the British ‘reign of
frightfulness’ to the ‘horrors of Turkish atrocities, or … the outrages
attributed to the red army of bolshevist Russia’.1 These sentiments
were broadly shared by the Irish clergy, and animosity towards
the crown forces only
eventually followed in November by the killing of a priest in Galway. Many
clerics regarded this as the crossing of a line which the crown forces
had hitherto respected. Most priests continued to counsel restraint
even after this event and the two subsequent clerical fatalities. But
clerical attention turned decisively to criticism of the crown forces.
In examining this issue it is necessary to make some important distinctions. British measures against the clergy were quickly
portrayed in sermons and newspapers as a persecution campaign,
and as such they caused a shift in
perspective. As ‘The woman’, she exists only as a male fantasy (48). However,
there is also another possible reference which elaborates on Freud’s definition of
women as incomplete – they lack a penis. In Lacan s reformulation of Freud, women
are incomplete in so far as they lack the phallus which represents the power to function
within the symbolic.
In Speculum Irigaray’s criticisms are directed mainly at Freud, but in This Sex
Which Is Not One (1985b), she takes direct aim at Lacan ‘s recasting of the
castration complex. Irigaray’s ‘Cosi Fan Tutti’ [sic] demonstrates how
of the Middle Ages
without acquiescence to Rome, his greatest unease was with the tone adopted towards
the English Church, which thought likely ‘to cherish and aggravate estrangement’.21
He portrayed his reservations in terms of caveats and modifications, criticising not ‘the
writer’s mind, but the sound of his language’: for the time being, these were criticisms
not of design, but of execution.
Newman’s response to these expressions of concern was far from sanguine. To
Newman’s Lives of the English Saints
Hope he refused to concede that others might find
superiors and parish priests had agendas of their
own that determined their responses. It was important to the bishops
not to alienate the republican camp, but they also had to respond to
the criticisms of scandalised conservatives, while ensuring that lines
of communication with the government in Dublin Castle remained
open. Moreover, they were concerned for the Irish church’s reputation abroad, especially in the Vatican. Religious superiors wanted to
avoid internal conflict within their communities, and parish priests
often simply wished to keep trouble away from their
, Jowett also recognised him as true Anglican
saint, one who upheld a comprehensive ideal but recognised the need for charity in
doing so. The sanctity Jowett found so laudable revolved not so much around Baxter’s
espousal of unchanging virtues as in his ability to rise above the prejudices of his age;
to see beyond forms to the deeper realities that lay behind them. Anyone in the nineteenth century who sought to emulate him ‘would not raise questions about the rites
of the church, or the canonicity of the books of Scripture: these belong to criticism