3 A. Allen , The End of Progress: Decolonizing the Normative Foundations of Critical Theory ( New York : Columbia University Press , 2016 ), pp. 156 , 125 .
4 RtJ , p. 13.
5 N&P , p. 7.
6 R. Forst , ‘ Noumenal Power ’, Journal of Political Philosophy , 23 : 2 ( 2015 ), 111 – 127 ; N&P , especially the introduction and ch. 1.
7 Allen, The End of Progress , p. 143.
8 Forst, ‘Noumenal Power’, 112.
9 Ibid. , 126 n. 48; Forst is quoting here from H. Arendt , Crises of the Republic ( New York : Harcourt, Brace and Co ., 1972 ), p. 152
difference between justifiable and unjustifiable practices of resistance to colonial domination through non-violent non-cooperation. Within the ‘no’ addressed to colonial powers was embedded an ongoing ‘yes’ to cooperative relationship based on reciprocal concern and respect, addressed to other satyagrahi who had joined the struggle.
We find a similar logic in the contemporary political resurgence of Indigenous peoples, in which, as Dene political theorist Glen Coulthard writes, ‘the methods of decolonization prefigure its aims’. 31 For Coulthard, the prefigurative
coloniality, including decolonial perspectives, might have
heterogeneous manifestations, but their core logic inheres in unceasing
interrogations of modernity/coloniality and heroic articulations of
pluriversality/diversality. This is because decolonizing perspectives
have innate, a priori precedence – in terms of ethics and
politics, knowing and being – over modern power. 51 On the other hand,
time can be
critical traditions of anticolonial thought and decolonizing practice.
Here, the writings and politics of Frantz Fanon, Amílcar Cabral,
and Aimé Césaire could acutely influence the very
formations of postcolonial scholarship. At the same time, the terms and
textures of subaltern studies – in a manner convergent with
postcolonial perspectives – emerged equally informed by wider
Cooper , Decolonization and African Society: The Labour
Question in French and British Africa ( Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 1996 ); Coronil, The
Magical State ; Birla, Stages of Capital.
McClintock , Imperial
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
ethnicity and race:
In these narratives, race is generally occluded by ethnicity , a term used almost synonymously with nationality with reference to linguistic and cultural identity markers. While these identity markers are understood to be as powerful as genetic codes, race itself is not part of the vocabulary of nationalism. It has a hidden trajectory in Eastern Europe because the region's nations see themselves outside of colonial processes and thus exempt from post-decolonization struggles
might come together is evident in the
following statement by Gumbrecht: “From our perspective at
least, modernization in the underdeveloped countries is …
taking place somewhere between decolonization and our own
present.” The “stagist” presumptions of time
and space here are not so far apart from the wide-ranging elisions
of authoritative accounts – for example, by Anthony
that from the 1940s to the 1970s transformations within
ethnography were influenced by processes of counter-colonialism,
decolonization, and other struggles against imperialism and racism. This
context shaped emergent critiques of reigning paradigms within the
Here was an interchange between the autonomy and logic governing
continuities and changes within disciplinary traditions
democratic decisions need to be taken so that citizens can govern
themselves in the contemporary world. I suspect that the once progressive role
of the nationality principle in this respect has been largely exhausted since
the times when it triggered decolonization and devolution in plurinational
democracies. In the current highly interdependent world, democratic
self-government can only survive if individuals can see themselves as citizens