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11 Progressivism to democratic socialism: the special case of Dr Christopher Addison Kenneth O. Morgan David Marquand’s lengthy career and prolific writings have been mainly devoted to championing a mighty cause – uniting and mobilising the forces of centre-left progressivism and thus overthrowing the Conservative dominance of post-1918 British politics. David once termed it ‘a marriage of Tom Paine and William Morris’, which might have been as stormy as Morris’s marriage in real life. It is what Roy Jenkins and the Blairites in the mid-1990s called ‘the
Unionism remained deeply divided over issues of social service expenditure and the adoption of welfare legislation emanating from Westminster. It recognised the danger of the labour interests harboured by a significant portion of working-class Protestants and set about meeting these by establishing its own trade union organisation. Home Rule had a lasting legacy for the Irish Labour movement. The 1930s presented a range of unique challenges and opportunities for the Northern Ireland Labour movement and it soon became exercised by developments on the political front. The brittle rigidity of inter-ethnic co-operation had thrown into sharp relief the Northern Ireland Labour Party's (NILP) obvious difficulty in bridging the divide at the political level. The transition from war to peace threatened to upset the balance of power within the Unionist Party. The Labour movement was perhaps the power of the militant trade unionist wing of the Labour movement.
Social democracy's often diffuse societal, intellectual and cultural influences have exceeded and outlasted Labour's direct electoral success. This book focuses questions relating to the popular values, mindsets and sense of citizenship needed to further social democracy on that deeper enterprise of this book. It reflects on the 'big picture' of social democracy and progressivism, both historical and contemporary. Part I takes the historical bird's eye view, exploring social democratic and liberal dilemmas that both pervaded the twentieth century and remain very much alive today. It suggests that scholars and political analysts tend to under-play the extent to which progressivism and the voters have managed to operate in constructive harmony. Tracing new and social liberalism's, distinctive offer of a fusion between social interdependence and individualism, the volume assesses the failure of this British liberalism to become the over-arching driver of politics. The Scottish secession from the United Kingdom in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum is also discussed. Part II takes stock of the critical scrutiny, discussing 'Western' democracies alongside the dominance and the extensive body of thought from David Marquand on citizenship, and especially Marquand's civic republican vision. Part III seeks to apply Marquand's search for the 'principled society', discusses social and psychological concept of 'neighbourliness', and examines the public good less as a fixed entity. Finally, the significance of Christopher Addison and his notions on the democratic socialism and liberal progressive traditions, and pluralism are discussed.
democratic socialism. In his critical reading of ‘the new communitarianism’, Prideaux 66 accuses Etzioni of coaxing the reader to accept a congenial view of American society in the 1950s, and then attempting to restore social cohesiveness through the application of social controls, and, in a manner consistent with his own organisational theory. 67 ‘In reality the favourable bias
) PD (Luxembourg) see: DP/PD PDC (Switzerland) see: CDV–PDC PdCI Party of Italian Communists/Partito dei Comunisti Italiani PDS Democratic Party of the Left (Italy)/Partito Democratico della Sinistra PDS Party of Democratic Socialism (Germany)/Partei der Demokratischen Sozialismus PEV Ecologist Party – The Greens (Portugal)/Partido Ecologista Os Verdes PL Right-wing alliance (Italy)/Polo della
United States, the implication was the same. The military-industrial complex was not conspiratorial; it was openly behavioural. In 1979, the left-wing authors of Democratic Socialism and the Cost of Defence rejected the ‘crude description of the malevolent influence of a shadowy military industrial complex’ and argued instead that the ‘strong input to arms programmes’ was largely ‘domestically determined’ and had ‘little if any relevance to the international scene’. 18 The campaign for socially useful
a report of almost equal length by government ministers. The ‘ministerial response’ was not published as part of Sense about Defence but was instead included in full in a 1979 reissue of the study group's papers, Democratic Socialism and the Cost of Defence , where it ‘rejected the policy of reducing military spending which was the basis of the study group's remit’. 61 Written by John Gilbert, John Tomlinson and James Wellbeloved, MPs on Labour's right wing who had contributed to the study group, it began with
followers in the early Cold War, these socialists criticised the government from the back benches and expressed their alternative vision in pamphlets and in their newspaper, Tribune . This school of ‘democratic socialism’ differed from the right of the party in its insistence on the public ownership of industry, a debate that almost caused Labour to rupture in the early 1960s and that finally split the party when figures on the right formed the Social Democratic Party in 1981. The left saw in the defence industry a clear example of misguided capitalist enterprise that
here on social reformism, also known as ‘revisionist socialism’, ‘social democracy’ and ‘democratic socialism’. In particular, we look at the British version of socialism in the form of the Labour Party. Marxist and anarchist contributions to socialism will be discussed in Chapter 12 . Third World socialism is usually a variation of one of the three other versions adapted, with varying degrees of commitment and success, to
. 68 In the early 1980s the left had every reason to fear that the NHS, the ‘sacred cow’ of democratic socialism, was nearing its demise, as a consequence either of the Conservatives in government or of the inability for a declining economy to support it. The combination of threats to the welfare state and world peace ought to have put Labour in a commanding position to return to government when the next general election was called. However, the surprise invasion of the Falkland Islands in April 1982 changed the trajectory