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Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

war while explicitly denying them political recognition. In contrast, civilians caught up in international conflicts subject to the Geneva Conventions were ignored until 1949. While the codification of armed conflict, whether international or domestic, was inspired by a desire to limit the violence, it gave the generals – not surprisingly – the final say in assessing ‘military necessity’, a key concept naturally covered by humanitarian law. A few years later, the German command used the Geneva Convention to justify their violence in putting down francs-tireurs in

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

to sociologist Mark Turner, ‘politics is potentially a part of any kidnapping, whatever the motivation of the kidnappers and even if they desire to keep politics out’ ( Turner, 1998 : 145–60). As a result, discussing abductions publicly does not automatically single out a humanitarian organisation as a special target but rather as a ‘sensitive’ one – not to mention that by breaking their code of silence, these organisations could better explain their operational decisions. In MSF’s case, for example, discussing the circumstances surrounding its volunteers

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

roaring economy and a wildly popular president. Its foreign policy reflects this confidence and a desire to break free of its older constraints.’ Now, less than a decade later, weeks before a general election, Brazilian democracy is not at all stable, the country is experiencing one of its worst ever economic crises, the current presidency has a 3 per cent approval rating and there isn’t a foreign policy to speak of. How does Brazil fit into this new ‘global disorder’? Confusion in the inter-state system arguably creates opportunities, especially for

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local

operationally) its strategy to Palestinians on the local level. In this context, significant risks are being borne both by those Palestinians who rely on UNRWA-provided services and by UNRWA’s Palestinian employees. Nonetheless, these impacts continue to be erased from view by a contract and risk-management culture that maintains the primacy of international (read: non-Palestinian) actors and ideological priorities. In the context of UNRWA’s institutional adaptation to long-standing financial crises, a push for cost-efficiency and the desire to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

, is eroding. Both the right and the left have come to see in these liberal mechanisms barriers to the realisation of their most desired preferences (more aggressive chauvinism, more effective redistribution). Politics at the national level in the West has been shocked back into life after decades of malaise. The insistent questions are no longer technocratic but substantive, with attitudes to ‘the other’ a pivotal part of these conversations globally. In 2018, Freedom House recorded its twelfth consecutive year of decline in freedom worldwide, with

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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conflict has security as its goal. In such contexts the leitmotif ‘If we do not dominate, we will be dominated’ is created by astute propagandists and political manipulation, which all play on the presence of an enemy and the desire for survival. 2 For Lederach peace-building is about transforming ‘conflict towards more sustainable, peaceful relationships’. 3

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict
Conventional and alternative security scenarios

sovereignty’. The more tolerant South Korean position of the last few years suggests a willingness to normalize relations with North Korea and integrate it into the world community. But integration and normalization are terms that indicate processes of adjustment to one standard norm; a desire to erase difference in favour of a single identity practice. The immediate objective of

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
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’ unconscious desires from themselves and reproduce division and antagonism. An examination of the unconscious unearthed some of the rationalisations that these fantasies involve. People need to learn to better deal with these rationalisations that prolong conflict and, ultimately, to traverse the fundamental fantasy that plagues both communities, namely that of ‘Union’, be this ‘Union’ with the British mother

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict

Obama, who was now uncomfortably ensnared within an ultimatum that he had never desired. The proof was mounting up faster than he could deny it. It was now increasingly unrealistic and unfeasible to claim that chemical weapons had not been used. Consequently, US policy instead shifted towards the idea that, while usage had clearly occurred, it could not be fully ascertained how the chemical

in Syria and the chemical weapons taboo
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of the peace and reconciliation work that has been carried out to date against the backdrop of the difficult, often violent, circumstances described above. Unconscious desire and conflict resolution People want what they do not want and effectively never get what they do want because the moment they get it they no longer want what they have got, but something else. This

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict