Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Mark Hovell’s The Chartist Movement
Michael Sanders

Chartist historiography is inevitably inflected by the political desires of its authors. This desire, combined with the contingent nature of history, imparts a fictive dimension to Chartist historiography. In support of these claims, this article applies the literary concepts of plot and character to Mark Hovell’s The Chartist Movement (1918). It argues that Hovell’s political desire leads him to construct a tragic and entropic plot for Chartism, which is often contradicted by his own assessment of the movement’s vitality. Similarly, Hovell’s plotting is also driven by his reading of Chartism as a conflict between two characters, a flawed hero (Lovett) and a villain (O’Connor). The article closes with a close reading of Hovell’s characterisation of O’Connor, which demonstrates the skill with which he interweaves fact and interpretation.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Zoë Kinsley

This article considers the ways in which eighteenth-century womens travel narratives function as autobiographical texts, examining the process by which a travellers dislocation from home can enable exploration of the self through the observation and description of place. It also, however, highlights the complexity of the relationship between two forms of writing which a contemporary readership viewed as in many ways distinctly different. The travel accounts considered, composed (at least initially) in manuscript form, in many ways contest the assumption that manuscript travelogues will somehow be more self-revelatory than printed accounts. Focusing upon the travel writing of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Katherine Plymley, Caroline Lybbe Powys and Dorothy Richardson, the article argues for a more historically nuanced approach to the reading of womens travel writing and demonstrates that the narration of travel does not always equate to a desired or successful narration of the self.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
David Geiringer

of pre-sixties ‘pious femininity’ as a starting point from which to assess the gendered expectations that surrounded the politics of courtship, chastity and desire. 7 The interviewees’ interpretation of their ‘innocence’ did not always accord with Brown’s story of imposed suppression. Instead, many remembered the climate of innocence and naivety that pervaded their early sexual development with a sense of

in The Pope and the pill
David Geiringer

addressed in the textbook that outlined the desired approach to discussing sex. 19 The use of humour represented an important facet of a counsellor’s presentational style. In a section devoted to jokes, the manual read: Mild witticisms to ease the tension with laughter are essential, set piece jokes tend to fall flat and

in The Pope and the pill
Abstract only
Stephen Penn

dissenters becoming ‘a kind of historiographical football, less important in their own right than for the contributions they made, or did not make, to later events’. 6 This new collection of translations in part seeks to demonstrate that understanding Wyclif solely in relation to his desire for ecclesiastical reform, whether in relation to the culture of the English Reformation or not, is potentially to underestimate the work that secured his reputation as a leading talent in the Oxford schools (and, indeed, throughout Europe), and to risk

in John Wyclif
Abstract only
Stephen Penn

Wyclif’s views on the church and the papacy were recorded systematically in two roughly contemporary treatises, On the Church (1378/9) and On the Power of the Pope (late 1379). His conception of the church, like his understanding of the nature of scripture, was underpinned quite conspicuously by his philosophical realism, which privileged the eternal over the finite and ephemeral. In the first chapter of On the Church, in response to his initial desire to describe the quiddity of the church, he therefore claims simply that the church is ‘the congregation of all of those predestined to salvation’. This definition, he suggests, underlies many of the diverse conceptions of the church that are found in scripture. It is this church, he goes on to suggest, that we should properly identify as the bride of Christ. The head of the church, we are told, is uniquely Christ himself, and its members are his limbs. Nobody can know for certain that he or she is among the predestinate, or even the foreknown (that is, those predestined to damnation), which meant that for Wyclif, nobody could be sure that he or she was truly a member of the church, except by ‘special revelation’.

in John Wyclif
Carmen M. Mangion

’s entry into religious life. When their desire to become women religious was opposed, women turned to religious ideology for justification. In this way, many were successful in achieving their aim of becoming women religious. Spirituality The feminisation of the church and the extension of women’s work into the public sphere through religiously motivated philanthropy are familiar themes for those investigating nineteenth-century women and religion.28 Sue Morgan asserts that religious belief and feminism were the two most ‘formative ideological influences’ for

in Contested identities
Stephen Penn

selected texts that deal with a range of issues that were to become crucial to Wyclif’s later thought. All are clearly informed by his developing philosophical realism, and represent his desire to gesture away from the material particulars of the world, towards the universal entities that Wyclif felt were the proper objects of philosophical knowledge. The Summa de Ente was produced between ca. 1360 and 1372, and represents some of Wyclif’s earliest and most original philosophical work. It is here that his philosophical realism finds its

in John Wyclif
Stephen Penn

whole trinity impresses the knowledge that guides it into the minds of the human species, and ends in its final purpose. Therefore, just as the soul is better than any knowledge of worldly things, and because the clemency of the trinity is shown in its desire to teach viators in this way, likewise that knowledge, which has seven parts, is called the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit, which arise out of the clemency of the deity, through which it seeks not merely to create and govern the human species, but also to teach it in a salubrious way. In Isaiah 11[:2–3], this is

in John Wyclif