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Mari Elin Wiliam

11 Labour, the Union and the rebirth of Welsh devolution Mari Elin Wiliam In his introduction to Debating Nationhood and Governance in Britain, 1885–1945, Duncan Tanner emphasised the need to weave the history of devolutionary policies into the wider strata of Britishness, the ‘Celtic Fringe’ and regionalism.1 In writing about the ‘death’ of devolution in the Labour party during the first half of the twentieth century he surmised that the wartime experience and the challenges of post-war reconstruction reinforced statist socialist conviction that genuine reforms

in The art of the possible
Andrew Edwards

7 Labour, nationalism and the problem of Welsh devolution, c.1939–64 Andrew Edwards The position of the Labour party in Wales between 1939 and the early 1960s was something of a paradox. During this period Labour established, then lost, its ascendancy in the UK, but became increasingly dominant in parliamentary ­elections and local government across much of Wales. Only since the late 1990s has that phenomenon been addressed by historians of the Labour party.1 Until then, two contrasting themes had dominated academic and popular scholarship. First of these was

in The art of the possible
The Conservative party and the idea of devolution, 1945-7
Matthew Cragoe

8 Defending the constitution: the Conservative party and the idea of devolution, 1945–74 Matthew Cragoe In retrospect, the inter-war years represented a golden age for British Conservatism.1 As The Times remarked in 1948, during the ‘long day of Conservative power which stretched with only cloudy intervals between the two world wars’ the only point at issue was how the party might ‘choose to use the power that was almost their freehold’.2 Nowhere was this sense of all-pervading calm more evident than in the sphere of constitutional affairs. The settlement of the

in The art of the possible
The shadow of empire in devolutionary politics
Jimmi Østergaard Nielsen
Stuart Ward

colonial language and imagery to describe the underlying dynamics of devolution. His easy equation of Scotland’s condition with former overseas British colonies could be spontaneously invoked as a self-evident historical legacy, without further explication or elaboration. The casual intrusion of the imperial past into the everyday dialogue of the Scottish independence debate has never

in Scotland, empire and decolonisation in the twentieth century
Abstract only
An enduring fascination
Anthony Webster

future of the nation-state in an era of globalisation, Britain's compromised sovereignty within the European Union and its post imperial international role of 'Robin' to America's 'Batman' have prompted reflection on Britain's former position of imperial dominance, tinged for some with feelings of nostalgia. Increasingly awkward questions about the Union of England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, following over a century of turbulence and secession in Ireland, and more recent devolutions of power to Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, has focused attention on

in The Debate on the Rise of the British Empire
Abstract only
We are in the empire
Mary A. Procida

imperial services and, through the several Acts reforming the governance of India, allowed for the eventual devolution of power to Indians and prepared the way for independence in 1947. Simultaneously, anti-imperial factions in British politics became more vocal and all but the most committed diehards began to rethink the structure of Britain’s relationship with India. The imperial services, the most visible

in Married to the empire
Charles Townshend

attempted in the following pages, needs to keep these explanatory elements in broad political focus. The Ulster crisis The Liberal government’s attempt to legislate Irish devolution between 1911 and 1914 triggered a severe political crisis. The threat of armed resistance by Ulster Unionists, as it developed in 1912–13, never looked like being contained by the police. The abject

in Policing and decolonisation

The relationship between Scotland and the British Empire in the twentieth century was wide-ranging. This book represents ground-breaking research in the field of Scotland's complex and often-changing relationship with the British Empire in the period. The contours of Scottish intercontinental migration were significantly redrawn during the twentieth century as a consequence of two world wars. The book reveals the apparent means used to assess the complexities of linking places of birth to migration and to various modern attempts to appeal to ethnic diasporas. The strange case of jute brings out some paradoxical dimensions to Scotland's relationship with England and the empire in the twentieth century. The book argues that the Scottish immigrants' perceptions of class, race and gender were equally important for interpreting the range of their experiences in the British Columbia. The mainstay of organised anti-colonialist critique and mobilisation, in Scotland lay in socialist and social democratic groups. The book examines how the Scottish infantry regiments, and their popular and political constituencies, responded to rapidly reducing circumstances in the era of decolonisation. Newspapers such as The Scotsman, The Glasgow Herald, and the Daily Record brought Africa to the Scottish public with their coverage of Mau Mau insurgency and the Suez Crisis. The book looks into the Scottish cultural and political revival by examining the contributions of David Livingstone. It also discusses the period of the Hamilton by-election of 1967 and the three referenda of 1979, 1997 and 2014 on devolution and independence.

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The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Making Histories, 1750 to the Present

This book begins from the assumption that race and empire have been central to early modern and modern British history. It addresses the question of how histories written in the past, in different political times, dealt with, considered, or avoided and disavowed Britain's imperial role and issues of difference. The book considers how we might re-think British history in the light of transnational, trans-imperial and cross-cultural analysis, for British history may come to look very different once it is decentered from the national and placed within an imperial and global framework. It, in the contrary, starts from the premise that the denial of racial and ethnic conflicts inside the United Kingdom together with the absence of race as a central category of analysis in historical writing has significantly limited our understanding of British history. In the final part of the book Kathleen Wilson, Antoinette Burton and Geoff Eley all pose fundamental issues about the terrains of contemporary imperial and domestic history writing and the challenges of transnational and trans-imperial work. Wilson uses her eighteenth-century case studies to think about the ways in which mobility across space and time unsettle the idea of the nation as a collective experience. She asks how the English and British overseas contributed to notions of nationality, moving away from the writings of those who thought of themselves as historians to the writings of those who were crafting new notions of national history and identity in their reports and letters from liminal sites of empire.