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A disunited union?
Philip Norton

and/or executive powers in three of the four nations within the United Kingdom. It has also provided for some decentralisation of government within England. Changes have ranged from giving some powers to a mayor and assembly in London to powers conferred on cities or city regions, but with other parts of England left without a regional ‘power house’. The devolution or disbursement of powers from the centre to national and regional levels has been a notable feature of the period since the end of the twentieth century. There are various models that have been

in Governing Britain
Abstract only
Philip Begley

Introduction Devolution was one of the defining issues in British politics during the late 1970s. It was the subject which eventually brought about the parliamentary defeat of the Labour government and precipitated a general election. Both Labour and the Conservatives had long grappled with the question of how desirable and how achievable a shift of administrative and legislative powers away from Westminster may have been. Although their chosen methods for achieving such a change, and their absolute belief in them, differed, the belief that

in The making of Thatcherism
Building regional capacity in Wales and Brittany
Series: Devolution
Author:

This book compares the politics, policies, and polity-building dynamics of devolution in Wales and decentralisation in the French region of Brittany. Empirically, it draws conclusions from in-depth fieldwork within the two regions and reports the findings of a comparative public-opinion survey. Theoretically, the book contributes towards our understanding of the comparative study of regions. Perhaps most impressive is how the case studies generally are based on, but also cast light back to, the nuanced theoretical framework on regional capacity established at the outset. The book uncovers the dynamics of devolution in Wales and decentralisation in Brittany through extensive face-to-face interviews: over two hundred interviews were carried out from 2001 to 2004, a formative stage in the development of the devolved institutions in Wales and also a period of expectation in Brittany.

Paolo Dardanelli

What explains the radically different extents to which Scottish devolution was Europeanised in the 1970s and in the 1990s? Was the deepening of European integration the key factor? As discussed in the pages below, no single factor can fully account for the variation, several changes among actors and institutions at each of the three levels – European, British, Scottish – played a role. Two connected factors, though, stand out as having had the greatest impact. First, the ideological change among left-of-centre elite actors that was

in Between two Unions
David Hine
and
Gillian Peele

13 Integrity issues and devolution The advent of devolution, which brought a new layer of governance to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland in the late 1990s, has generated somewhat different provisions for regulating standards across the three jurisdictions. In this chapter we explore the divergent integrity arrangements in the several parts of the United Kingdom and evaluate the effects of these institutional arrangements. The CSPL was set up before devolution occurred and its remit initially covered the whole of the United Kingdom. However, as the devolved

in The regulation of standards in British public life
Alistair Cole

4 Devolution and polity building in Wales Much of the devolution debate in Wales has centred upon the uniqueness of Welsh constitutional arrangements and political traditions. Several features set the Wales case apart from those in Scotland, Northern Ireland and the English Regions. Wales had a history of limited administrative devolution from 1964 to 1999. While Scotland retained its separate legal and educational systems, Wales was routinely considered, for legislative and political purposes, either as part of England or as the junior partner in an

in Beyond devolution and decentralisation
The case of cross-border commerce
Eoin Magennis

controversy. Commerce and devolution The title of this chapter is concerned with the impact of devolution on everyday life through the prism of cross-border commerce. However, it might be useful to reverse the title somewhat and look at the impact commerce has had on devolution. Sir George Quigley (see chapter 1 ) summed

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict
Eamonn O'Kane

opinion poll suggested that power-sharing devolved government was the single most popular governing option for the people of Northern Ireland; albeit with a less than overwhelming 35 per cent endorsement. Not surprisingly there was a notable difference in levels of support for restoring power-sharing devolution between Catholics (45 per cent) and Protestants (27 per cent), but even for Protestants the option was the

in The Northern Ireland peace process
Abstract only
Europeanisation and Scottish devolution
Series: Devolution

This book is an in-depth comparative study of Scottish devolution and an analysis of the impact of the European dimension. With a focus on the periods leading up to the referendums in 1979 and 1997, it investigates positions and strategies of political parties and interest groups, and how these influenced constitutional preferences at mass level and, ultimately, the referendum results themselves. Based on analysis of an extensive body of quantitative and qualitative sources, the book builds an argument which challenges the widespread thesis that support for devolution was a consequence of Conservative rule between 1979 and 1997. It shows that the decisive factors were changing attitudes to independence and the role of the European dimension in shaping them.

The impact of devolution and cross-border cooperation

This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.