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The setting, the main characters, and two questions
Lester K. Little

light, beauty, erudite culture, and dense populations. 2 Villa d’Ogna knew nothing of these matters. No one there knew or much cared who the Holy Roman emperor was, or the pope either for that matter. No friars preached there, and no long-distance traders passed through. There was no stunning architecture to be seen or holders of academic degrees from Bologna to be found. Stories about Jews and Saracens there may well have been, but the notion that in the wide world beyond their mountains entire peoples existed who were neither adherents to

in Indispensable immigrants
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Immigrant England
Mark Ormrod, Bart Lambert and Jonathan Mackman

century, when goods were cheap and wages were high, provided a strong inducement to the movement of labour over both short and long distances. 11 For all the suspicion that immigrants could arouse, moreover, the English state continued at least until the first half of the fifteenth century to offer them a widening range of fiscal and legal incentives. Laws were passed to make it easier for aliens involved in trade to maintain their commercial interests in England; special measures were taken to draw in people with particular skills; and exemptions were readily granted

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550
Lindy Brady

heathen and the other a barbarian who was even more cruel than the heathen. Now Penda and the whole Mercian race were idolaters and ignorant of the name of Christ; but Cædwalla, although a Christian by name and profession, was nevertheless a barbarian in heart and disposition and spared neither women nor innocent children.)44 Bede’s critical portraits of Cadwallon and Penda draw the two closer together while at the same time distancing them further from Christian Northumbria. Further, Cadwallon ‘dein cum anno integro prouincias Nordanhymbrorum non ut rex uictor

in Writing the Welsh borderlands in Anglo-Saxon England
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Thomas A. Prendergast and Stephanie Trigg

the spatial metaphor certainly expresses a kind of metaphoric affective closeness, but it also suggests how distance, whether metaphoric or literal, whether in terms of geography or time, can be defeated by love whose whole purpose is to make the lover and the beloved close. To know Chaucer is to love him. And to love him is to see how he was represented in the manuscripts that were closest to him

in Affective medievalism
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Thomas A. Prendergast and Stephanie Trigg

engage in older practices was often regarded as a retreat into ‘the distance and … the dark’ rather than seeing it from the ‘position of light’. 6 This conceptual separation of an enlightened Renaissance from a dark Middle Ages is now seen as crucial both to the formation and abjection of the category known as the ‘medieval’. Simpson gives voice to the continuing influence of this split when he

in Affective medievalism
Mark Ormrod, Bart Lambert and Jonathan Mackman

varieties of places of origin, and the distances involved, are just two of the remarkable aspects highlighted by this study. Some Scots may only have moved a few miles across the border, but other immigrants to England had clearly travelled many hundreds of miles, from the Mediterranean, the furthest reaches of the Baltic or the far north of Scandinavia. The fact that people arrived from such a wide range of places shows not only the attractiveness of England to people on the move, but also the resulting diversity of its population. The French Of all the places from

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550
Mark Ormrod, Bart Lambert and Jonathan Mackman

, suggests that the individual was a Muslim prisoner brought back to England by one of the leaders of the campaign and baptised somewhere along the way as a Christian. A further eight of the 150 bodies found in this cemetery were also identified as having African origins. 29 Nor are these tantalising pieces of archaeology the only evidence of such long-distance travel. As with Jews, so with Saracens, the best documentary evidence from the later Middle Ages concerns people who were converted to Christianity under royal sponsorship. Numbered among

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550
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Harold Godwinson, the last Anglo
Lindy Brady

his hair and beard, disguises himself as a potter, and pretends he is a peasant who can’t understand French.22 Harold’s ‘disguise’, on the other hand, only calls further attention to the fact that he has something to hide. So too does his refusal to fully distance himself from his prior identity. While in Chester, at the very end of his life, ‘Ibidem quoque manes a visitantibus se; et que edificacionis erant ab eo reportantibus; frequenter requisitus an bello ubi rex Haroldus occubuisse ferebatur interfuisset: respondebat; “Interfui plane”’ (as he abode there, when

in Writing the Welsh borderlands in Anglo-Saxon England
The abjection of the Middle Ages
Thomas A. Prendergast and Stephanie Trigg

could now understand ‘the harsh therapy of the witches’ judges’. 34 Here is Freud’s own moment of abjection in which he at once wishes to distance himself from what he characterises in familiar terms as a ‘dark and superstitious age’ even as he recognises the similarities – indeed, the helpful analogies – between the inquisitors of the medieval period and his own psychoanalytic method. 35 At stake in

in Affective medievalism
Janet L. Nelson

council, and, despite earlier sympathy for Gottschalk, he went along with the official line, which was Hincmar’s line. Thereafter, Prudentius increasingly distanced himself from the king: a fact that emerges clearly from the critical remarks about Charles in a continuation of the Royal Frankish Annals , the so-called Annals of St-Bertin , written by Prudentius, first as a palace cleric, then as bishop of Troyes, between 835 and 861. Hincmar, after the 849 council, wrote a short diocesan letter, known now as Ad reclusos et simplices

in Hincmar of Rheims