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Tower houses and waterways
Victoria L. McAlister

medieval Ireland's terrestrial environment, we cannot precisely compare the efficiency of different types of transport. This problem is further amplified by Ireland's topography, which is hugely localised in its differences, and by political conditions that would have made some transport options safer than others. If we apply the English evidence, despite these issues, we see that there was a significant cost differential between water- and land-based movement. This in turn influenced the distances individuals were prepared to travel. In England, small-scale sellers were

in The Irish tower house
Michael Prestwich

, travellers would be safer from highway robbery.1 Edward himself spent a great deal of his time travelling; few people can have known so much about the routes that could be taken through Britain. The importance of royal itineraries as a tool for working out the road systems of medieval England has long been recognized. Sir Frank Stenton pointed out in 1936 that thirteenth-century royal journeys provide the earliest evidence of the course of English roads used for long-distance travel. It was not his task to explain the itineraries; he merely noted that Edward I

in Roadworks
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The hub of an English river transport network, 1250–1550
Claire A. Martin

complaint about the defects in the channel. Stratford was another significant location to the east of the city whose development was influenced by important transport routes. It was at Stratford that the Essex road, which ran from Aldgate through Mile End and Bow, crossed the Lea and here the shipper could choose to continue by river to London Bridge – a distance of eight miles – or transfer to cart for the road journey to Aldgate of three miles.14 Water transportation would have had the advantage for heavy goods but rapid transit to the capital was probably favoured for

in Roadworks
Paul Hindle

monasteries that moved their wool to distant ports chiefly by packhorse or cart. Such long hauls as those from Furness Abbey (Cumbria) to Beverley (East Yorkshire), Holm Cultram (Cumbria) to Newcastle upon Tyne, and Vale Royal (Cheshire) to London or Boston (Lincolnshire) suggest that these long distances were not unduly difficult; the detailed routes, however, are not known. Sources for the English medieval road system 37 Place names Certain types of trade on the road led to some roads being given special names, such as Maltway, Oxdrove, Sheepdrove and Saltway. These

in Roadworks
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Wayfinding in the Middle Ages
Ruth Evans

household must … have possessed a wealth of geographical knowledge. Royal messengers in particular would have extensive experience of travel, and could have provided advice. It is easy to imagine that local people would have provided information as to how best to travel from one village to the next, but a much wider awareness of distances, roads, and river-crossings would have been necessary to plan journeys effectively.15 Prestwich identifies three different sources of knowledge about the routes taken by the king:  royal messengers, local people and a more nebulous

in Roadworks
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Roads and writing
Valerie Allen and Ruth Evans

Allen and Ruth Evans These points may seem good reasons not to use the word at all, but we employ ‘road system’ knowingly as a pidgin term, that is, as a phrase that simplifies linguistic communication across heterogeneous language systems and that does good theoretical work, enabling the simultaneous difference and similarity of the medieval past to articulate itself. It is a shorthand that allows us to model the past from a distance, knowing that the closer we get to it, the more the category evaporates into local terms that are variously spelled, that do not

in Roadworks
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The setting, the main characters, and two questions
Lester K. Little

light, beauty, erudite culture, and dense populations. 2 Villa d’Ogna knew nothing of these matters. No one there knew or much cared who the Holy Roman emperor was, or the pope either for that matter. No friars preached there, and no long-distance traders passed through. There was no stunning architecture to be seen or holders of academic degrees from Bologna to be found. Stories about Jews and Saracens there may well have been, but the notion that in the wide world beyond their mountains entire peoples existed who were neither adherents to

in Indispensable immigrants
Shayne Aaron Legassie

pilgrimage road, Guy’s entanglements with courtly politics seem to happen as if by chance and to be devoid of any political or economic calculation. The Stanzaic Guy of Warwick largely distances its hero from the libidinal drives of courtly life, converting him into the avenging defender of courtly values, which can no longer be defended from within the court itself. As a pilgrim, Guy does not reject chivalry’s secular ambitions, but rather becomes their most perfect champion. One sees this most evidently in Guy’s repeated rejections of certain material rewards, especially

in Roadworks
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Immigrant England
Mark Ormrod, Bart Lambert, and Jonathan Mackman

century, when goods were cheap and wages were high, provided a strong inducement to the movement of labour over both short and long distances. 11 For all the suspicion that immigrants could arouse, moreover, the English state continued at least until the first half of the fifteenth century to offer them a widening range of fiscal and legal incentives. Laws were passed to make it easier for aliens involved in trade to maintain their commercial interests in England; special measures were taken to draw in people with particular skills; and exemptions were readily granted

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550
Lindy Brady

heathen and the other a barbarian who was even more cruel than the heathen. Now Penda and the whole Mercian race were idolaters and ignorant of the name of Christ; but Cædwalla, although a Christian by name and profession, was nevertheless a barbarian in heart and disposition and spared neither women nor innocent children.)44 Bede’s critical portraits of Cadwallon and Penda draw the two closer together while at the same time distancing them further from Christian Northumbria. Further, Cadwallon ‘dein cum anno integro prouincias Nordanhymbrorum non ut rex uictor

in Writing the Welsh borderlands in Anglo-Saxon England