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Open Access (free)
Christoph Menke in dialogue
Series: Critical Powers

This book focuses on the paradoxical character of law and specifically concerns the structural violence of law as the political imposition of normative order onto a "lawless" condition. The paradox of law which grounds and motivates Christoph Menke's intervention is that law is both the opposite of violence and, at the same time, a form of violence. The book develops its engagement with the paradox of law in two stages. The first shows why, and in what precise sense, the law is irreducibly characterized by structural violence. The second explores the possibility of law becoming self-reflectively aware of its own violence and, hence, of the form of a self-critique of law in view of its own violence. The Book's philosophical claims are developed through analyses of works of drama: two classical tragedies in the first part and two modern dramas in the second part. It attempts to illuminate the paradoxical nature of law by way of a philosophical interpretation of literature. There are at least two normative orders within the European ethical horizon that should be called "legal orders" even though they forego the use of coercion and are thus potentially nonviolent. These are international law and Jewish law. Understanding the relationship between law and violence is one of the most urgent challenges a postmodern critical legal theory faces today. Self-reflection, the philosophical concept that plays a key role in the essay, stands opposed to all forms of spontaneity.

Open Access (free)
Christoph Menke

question whether a particular punishment (such as the death penalty) is “cruel and unusual” remain contentious: even the most liberal and humanitarian reform of penal law cannot resolve the fundamental doubt whether the counter-​violations law inflicts in the name of political equality are justified or in fact execute the rule of existing social and economic inequalities. The formal difference of law, in which alone its legitimacy consists, is forever liable to be perceived as merely formal; law can always be seen as class justice or the victor’s justice. But as Walter

in Law and violence
Adrian Millar

Conflict in Northern Ireland The nature of the conflict Ruane and Todd move away from the traditional view of the conflict in Northern Ireland as either one of identity, i.e. conflicting nationalisms, allegiances and ‘myths and fears’, or of structural relationships, i.e. political and economic inequality, and instead combine these two approaches placing

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict
Anti-terrorism powers and vernacular (in)securities
Lee Jarvis
Michael Lister

crime, through to racism, social fracture and financial hardship. As many of the above examples indicate, moreover, these risks are often perceived to be interconnected. Crime and terrorism are tied to the experience of social alienation; institutionalised racism is viewed as a source of economic inequality and British foreign policy is seen to impact on domestic security concerns. In this sense, at least, the

in Anti-terrorism, citizenship and security
Sandra Buchanan

Ireland and, within Ulster, almost entirely to the east of the province. Moreover, ‘between 1800 and 1830 the proportion of Catholics in Belfast rose from 10 per cent to 30 per cent and the first signs of serious urban conflict occurred as a result of competition for jobs and for houses’. 11 The seeds of social and economic inequality and, in turn, deprivation were sown, ensuring

in Transforming conflict through social and economic development
Abstract only
Europeanisation breakthrough
Boyka Stefanova

sense, the expected impact may be contrary to the logic of consociationalism which emphasises elite accommodation but sustained communal division. Europeanisation has worked to facilitate that process at the top by providing elites with common references and at the communal level by addressing cross-cutting differences, such as economic inequality and social divisions. Policy

in The Europeanisation of conflict resolution
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

studies from the 1950s include P. A. Baran, The Political Economy of Growth (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1957 ), and G. Myrdal, Development and Underdevelopment: A Note on the Mechanism of National and International Economic Inequality (Cairo: National Bank of Egypt, 1956 ). 17 The Group of G-77 would declare that theirs

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Imogen Richards

States – 5 to 7 times greater’ ( Piketty 2014 , 404). Piketty also reveals that this trend is replicated in the English-first-language countries of the UK, Canada, and Australia, albeit to a lesser degree of severity than in the US. Also contributing to a growth of economic inequality in the US was a very substantial increase in income from existing wealth, or capital, which contributed to around ‘one third of the increase in income inequality’ during the 1970 to 2010 period ( Piketty 2014 , 377). Moreover, while inequality of income from labour and capital remain

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Do counter-extremism strategies produce peace?
Kieran Ford

peace Agonistic peace Direct violence Terrorism, hate crimes, violent counter-terrorism No terrorism, hate crimes or other direct violence No terrorism, hate crimes or other direct violence No terrorism, hate crimes or other direct violence Structural violence Political grievances such as economic inequality, avoidable death by disease Political grievances such as economic inequality, avoidable death by disease Social justice addressing political grievances Social justice addressing political grievances Cultural violence Discourses

in Encountering extremism
The Belfast Agreement, ‘equivalence of rights’ and the North–South dimension
Colm O’Cinneide

participation and representation’ and a sufficient emphasis on minimising the impact of economic inequalities. The commitment of the parties to giving at least partial effect to this tangible and substantive idea of equality is reflected in a number of concrete measures that the UK and Irish governments agreed to implement in the text of the Agreement. The UK

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict