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This article discusses how Armenians have collected, displayed and exchanged the bones of their murdered ancestors in formal and informal ceremonies of remembrance in Dayr al-Zur, Syria – the final destination for hundreds of thousands of Armenians during the deportations of 1915. These pilgrimages – replete with overlapping secular and nationalist motifs – are a modern variant of historical pilgrimage practices; yet these bones are more than relics. Bone rituals, displays and vernacular memorials are enacted in spaces of memory that lie outside of official state memorials, making unmarked sites of atrocity more legible. Vernacular memorial practices are of particular interest as we consider new archives for the history of the Armenian Genocide. The rehabilitation of this historical site into public consciousness is particularly urgent, since the Armenian Genocide Memorial Museum and Martyr’s Church at the centre of the pilgrimage site were both destroyed by ISIS (Islamic State in Syria) in 2014.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Open Access (free)
The tales destruction tells

executioners, Jews killed in the Holocaust should disappear not only from Europe but even from European history, then a perfect cremation of the corpses, erasing the last trace of the lives destroyed, was required. Many questions were raised immediately, while others have arisen from the papers presented at the 2012 conference and fed the exchanges that followed: How, by whom, and when were these bodies treated? Was this done at the time of killing or afterwards, by the perpetrators themselves or by other entities? What were the technical methods used? While technology has

in Destruction and human remains

-at-home husbands. They also bring ‘migrant worlds’ into closer view (Basu and Coleman 2008). I argue that material flows not only eradicate the spatial distance between Athens and Dhërmi/Drimades but also temporally collapse past, present and future. Following Mazzucato (2010), who conceptualises migrant remittances as part of the reciprocity of social relations, the chapter contends that material flows are entailed in reciprocal exchanges and function as insurance policies, because for female migrants and their husbands they guarantee the future. Many scholars of migration in

in Migrating borders and moving times

much needed foreign exchange to service loans (Mullings 2004). The labour cost differentials made Jamaica a viable target for this work. What these new technologies made possible, the vulnerable economic state of affairs in Jamaica made profitable. 86 Ethnographies of data science Jamaican planners saw a mutual benefit. With their trainable, English-speaking populace and the region’s geographical and cultural proximity to the United States, the local data processing industry would grow alongside the efficiency demands of American businesses, simultaneously

in Ethnography for a data-saturated world
Open Access (free)
Crossing borders, changing times

-religious neighbourhoods is, in fact, a forced return to a more primitive past. The deterioration of shared neighbourhood space, another post-socialist change, has accelerated this trend. As a result, neighbours find new spaces; neighbourhood practices, so difficult to maintain on site, have escaped, somewhat, into virtual and commercial space. Former neighbours meet, now, in cafés and restaurants, and communicate through phones and computers. Exchange and communication makes possible such a multiplication of coexisting time-spaces (Castells 1996). As Appadurai (2004) suggests, the

in Migrating borders and moving times
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Nostalgia and al-zaman al-gamiil (the ‘beautiful old times’)

) As the building’s problems and disasters kept growing, several residents came up with a proposal for collective action. Exchange of information amongst the residents usually takes place in the entrance hall, the street opposite our 126 Cairo collages building, the stairs, or the elevator. These are crucial spaces for greeting each other, gossiping, and exchanging information for a few minutes about the latest news and incidents occurring in the building, information about the shop owners and their infringing on the entrance hall with the school bags,17 the

in Cairo collages

by the Learning Technology Innovation centre at the London School of Economics. From the beginning I was interested in using the loose form of the ‘walkshop’ to create a space for the exchange of different ideas, and to learn about how people with different expertise understood or defined data. As time passed I also began to see how the ‘data walk’ as an event, staged the possibility for new forms of collaborative knowledge production. Originally based on a proposal for ‘flashmob ethnography’ framework intended to create more participatory forms of ethnographic

in Ethnography for a data-saturated world
Open Access (free)
The French search mission for the corpses of deportees in Germany, 1946–58

signed a treaty allowing it to join NATO, as well as a convention on cultural exchanges between Germany and France, allowing for student and university trips and the support of language learning. The French mission’s work extended to the whole of the German Federal Republic and, without any particular difficulties, to the German Democratic Republic as well. The Soviet authorities in East Berlin were very helpful in this up until the uprising on 17 June 1953. From this date onwards, exhumations were no longer authorized in the German Democratic Republic.27 To our knowl

in Human remains and mass violence

Welfare reported to me during an interview, however, there was significant resistance in the Latvian government towards any such additional measures. Eventually, a compromise was reached, and it took the shape of a workfare programme. People who were out of work for over six months could receive a 100 Lats monthly cash payment (equivalent to about 140 Euro at the time) in exchange for manual labour. For months, one could see people in large numbers raking leaves, shovelling snow and plucking weeds on the streets and in the parks of cities and towns across the country

in Politics of waiting

a relationship of oneself with oneself, a relationship as adequate and accomplished as possible …; the interpretation of dreams …; the exchange of personal letters’ (Faubion, with citations from Foucault, 2011: 47–48, emphasis in the original).2 Perhaps, rather than framing this as either a space of discipline Spaces of the expelled 107 or a space of self-formation, we need to recognise this more ambiguous picture that emerges when we broaden our conceptual lens from discipline and state control to include forms of ethical practices. Crash survivors My

in Politics of waiting