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This article discusses how Armenians have collected, displayed and exchanged the bones of their murdered ancestors in formal and informal ceremonies of remembrance in Dayr al-Zur, Syria – the final destination for hundreds of thousands of Armenians during the deportations of 1915. These pilgrimages – replete with overlapping secular and nationalist motifs – are a modern variant of historical pilgrimage practices; yet these bones are more than relics. Bone rituals, displays and vernacular memorials are enacted in spaces of memory that lie outside of official state memorials, making unmarked sites of atrocity more legible. Vernacular memorial practices are of particular interest as we consider new archives for the history of the Armenian Genocide. The rehabilitation of this historical site into public consciousness is particularly urgent, since the Armenian Genocide Memorial Museum and Martyr’s Church at the centre of the pilgrimage site were both destroyed by ISIS (Islamic State in Syria) in 2014.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

The dynamic processes of knowledge production in archaeology and elsewhere in the humanities and social sciences are increasingly viewed within the context of negotiation, cooperation and exchange, as the collaborative effort of groups, clusters and communities of scholars. Shifting focus from the individual scholar to the wider social contexts of her work, this volume investigates the importance of informal networks and conversation in the creation of knowledge about the past, and takes a closer look at the dynamic interaction and exchange that takes place between individuals, groups and clusters of scholars in the wider social settings of scientific work. Various aspects of and mechanisms at work behind the interaction and exchange that takes place between the individual scholar and her community, and the creative processes that such encounters trigger, are critically examined in eleven chapters which draw on a wide spectrum of examples from Europe and North America: from early modern antiquarians to archaeological societies and practitioners at work during the formative years of the modern archaeological disciplines and more recent examples from the twentieth century. The individual chapters engage with theoretical approaches to scientific creativity, knowledge production and interaction such as sociology and geographies of science, and actor-network theory (ANT) in their examination of individual–collective interplay. The book caters to readers both from within and outside the archaeological disciplines; primarily intended for researchers, teachers and students in archaeology, anthropology, classics and the history of science, it will also be of interest to the general reader.

The case of Oscar Montelius and Italy

/abstract spaces. Probably the most important spaces or venues for the international development of the archaeological discipline and the formation of networks in the 1870s and 1880s (apart from museums) were academic congresses. In 1865, the subtheme paletnologia (prehistory) was introduced at an Anthropological and Geological Congress in La Spezia. It was there decided that an ‘International congress on Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology’ (CIAAP) should take place regularly. At this time, both cultural exchange between countries and scholarly interaction seems to have

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
Curatorial bodies, encounters and relations

the illusory nature of cultural, spiritual, and intellectual separation which can be overcome through the physical and emotional connectivity of a simple and genuine act of ritual encounter: a honi that has compressed both time and distance across generations. In the Pacific, interpersonal encounters are characterised by a deep level of physical intimacy and engagement – from the honi/hongi, the face-to-face greeting, to the ha‘a/ haka wero, these rituals of encounter also serve as an acknowledgement of living ancestral presences. In these physical exchanges

in Curatopia
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Collecting networks and the museum

over the century and how were they impacted upon by political factors such as colonialism? And, crucially, how did the meaning of objects change during the various processes of acquisition? To answer these questions, my analysis is arranged not by type of object, nor by chronology per se, but rather by mode of acquisition: gift, purchase, fieldwork, exchange and loan. Separating these routes, however, proves challenging. In the complex journey to the museum, an object was often subject to different kinds of exchange: gathered in the field, sold to a collector

in Nature and culture
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in social anthropology (Kopytoff 1986). Kopytoff’s (1986, 70–72) original formulation of the idea of an object biography is very strongly tied to the study of exchange processes. His concern is with understanding how different objects are defined by different cultures as belonging in different spheres of exchange. Kopytoff (1986, 72–76) adopts the model that most kinds of exchange can be described as existing on a sliding scale 88 Neolithic cave burials between ‘pure’ commodity exchange, as exemplified in a monetary transaction, and ‘pure’ singular exchange

in Neolithic cave burials
Re-thinking Ludwik Fleck’s concept of the thought-collective according to the case of Serbian archaeology

conclusion may be reached only within a particular cultural ambience, thought-style or thought-collective (Fleck, 1986 [1947]: 134–40; Weissmann, 2002: 112–13; Condé and Salomon, 2016). To summarise, the concept ‘thought-collective’ represents the idea of a community of people in constant intellectual interaction exchanging their ideas. The members of the thought-collective accept specific ways of perception and thinking and tend to share a style of thought that gives birth to ‘the real explanation’. Even though a thought-collective ROBERTS 9781526134554 PRINT.indd 17 03

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology

. By the mid-seventh century BC, with Greek trading contacts established within the wider Mediterranean area and the founding of Greek colonies, there was a growing interconnectivity between the Greek world and the broader economic, political and cultural systems of the eastern Mediterranean and particularly with Egypt. Contacts between Egypt and the Greek states developed through various interrelated media of exchange and communication such as commerce, mercenaries, letters and gift exchange. On the cultural level, there was a favourable picture of Egypt in early

in Egypt of the Saite pharaohs, 664–525 BC
From Samoa with Love? at the Museum Fünf Kontinente, Munich

different. As descendants pointed out to me quite definitely, in all three ethnic shows there were persons of rank who travelled to Germany, for example in 1900 Te’o Tuvale (1855–1919) and in 1910 Tupua Tamasese Lealofi (1863–1915). Te’o and Tamasese, apparently like many Samoans, perceived the ethnic show tour as a kind of malaga,13 or diplomatic visit. In Germany, the high chiefs did not of course participate in the performances, but supervised them. As persons of rank, they expected to meet German dignitaries and to engage with them in the exchange of gifts and other

in Curatopia

economic activity: the construction of tower houses is built evidence for an increasing reliance on goods exchange for income, accompanying a change in the relationship between lords and their tenants (Britnell, 1996 ). A decentralising political authority encouraged local entrepreneurism – manifested in the tower house, which could be used in a variety of ways to force tolls and make a statement of command. The later Middle Ages was therefore a potentially prosperous time for Ireland, as local lords and great magnates took over the duties exercised by the Crown in

in The Irish tower house