A conceptual framework for considering mapping projects as they change
foam: the outside of the bubble connects it to other
actors. Bubble walls are interfaces, surfaces of exchange, representing continual
to-ing and fro-ing between actors. These surfaces are the condition of contingency, as the means by which external actors affect the shape of the map-object.
They are also a lens or film that mediates interaction. From the perspective of
being within the foam, looking through the film from one bubble into another,
the interface determines how neighbours exchange or view each other’s content.
Thus, there are two ways in which we can
by calls for a return to economic protectionism by some Irish ministers in the
Renegotiating the Irish border
Dáil, the Republic’s parliament, unleashing a political storm. Aggrieved at its
political connotations, Republican politicians in Northern Ireland denounced
the protectionist argument as partitionist. While the trend in cross-border
shopping was defended by the then Taoiseach Brian Cowen (2010) as nothing
more than a product of functionalism emanating from a volatile exchange rate
and the demand for value, the fracas raised significant
, exchanging news, disseminating drafted and re-drafted
reports, requesting help and for an electronic fax facility for contacting the
local press. The main benefit that CMC was perceived to have, however,
was on perceptions of a West Yorkshire group identity, which in turn mobilised members to support campaigns (Allen 1996). In addition, Mike
Birkin (south-west RCC, FoE) was developing a south-west regional
website on which local groups’ activities would be regularly updated,
facilitating co-ordination of regional action.
FoE also initiated an information campaign about the
) Outsmarting traffic, together: Driving as social navigation.
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in turn requires a more negotiative
approach to knowledge generation and exchange, and thus greater relations of
trust within farming knowledge networks together with a breaking down of established power relations. The hegemony of expert and global knowledges over
lay and local knowledges in recent decades has drawn criticism. Fonte (2008:
213) argues that: ‘[s]cientific knowledge … needs to be integrated, adapted and
mediated by those with expertise and trained in specific traditional and artisan
modes of food production, and by those who know the “place”’. The
Although there is a growing body of work documenting political activists
use of CMC (see for example, Walch 1999; Meikle 2002), there has been little
work specifically on the possible implications of CMC on environmental
movements. Several authors have identified that increased information
exchange and communication resulting in new social networks and new
space for communication could have profound implications for all the components of a social movement (Rheingold 1994). CMC could enable more
diverse associations than those in place-based communities and reduce the
Securing or denying minorities’ right to the city?
radical. Despite considerable diversity within contemporary interpretations and operationalisation of the right to the city concept,
everyone seems to agree that it is ultimately about recognising the rights of urban
inhabitants, irrespective of their nation-state citizenship or property rights. In
other words, ensuring urban inhabitants’ right to the city calls for challenging
the capitalist mode of production of space that prioritises exchange value (hence
property rights of owners) over use value (Purcell, 2013a). As such, the right to
the city concept aims to
the proliferation of credit unions, local currencies and local exchange trading
schemes, reveals practices conceived as countering financial globalisation,
while also representing spaces that are excluded from ‘insider’ financial
practices. So, these could either be conceived as alternative practices and
political gestures, or as the ‘mopping up’ of social groups who are excluded
from elite practices, and thereby enabling global finance. The debate surrounding the contradictory ‘furthering’ and ‘opposing’ of global restructuring
is one that will be significant
, the rural idyll’ (Leapman, 2010).
Growing your own food has become a practice by those seeking something
better and different from their food, environment and society. Grassroots food
initiatives, such as community gardens and allotments, have long been recognised as spaces outside of, and challenging to, conventional political and
economic structures. Rather than relying on conventional economic exchange,
local resources are mobilised, labour is communal and materials are shared. In
the US and UK, increases in demand for urban food growing spaces have been
. Staff used email to communicate internally.12
‘It’s actually easier for me to email them, it’s so quick and so cheap for me
to send stuff to publications or to education or biology by email’ (Charlotte
Cosserat, CAT). This system was not perfect, however, and electronic data
were still exchanged on floppy discs when large files had to be exchanged.
FoE’s website helped stem the flow of queries to campaigners by preempting many requests for information. However, some campaigners were
flooded with email requests: ‘You can end up spending too much of your