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C. E. Beneš

first in his book On the city of God , as does Tullius in his book On duties . 58 They relate that when Marcus Regulus, a great Roman consul, was captured by the Carthaginians at the same time as the Romans seized many young Carthaginian men, this Regulus was sent to Rome to arrange an exchange of prisoners, agreeing under oath to return if the proposed exchange was not approved. Yet when he arrived in Rome he

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
C. E. Beneš

capitani lasted up to the year of the Lord 1291, at which time rule returned to the podestà. Now, however, the capitano is elected from outside the city; the abbot and the elders continue their role in the regime, and so this kind of government continues for now. Whether the regime will change again, we do not know; but if it must be changed at some point, we ask God that it should always be exchanged for something better. But there is no

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
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C. E. Beneš

chapter and the monks of San Siro over the relics of Saint Syrus. In all of this, Genoa's citizens were confronting—as were their fellow citizens in other Italian cities of the day—fundamental questions of citizenship, sovereignty, economic exchange, and social harmony: What is the most effective sort of government that respects its citizens’ rights and privileges? How much profit constitutes usury? What are a citizen's responsibilities to his

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
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Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

distinguished men of the palace. We have therefore deemed it right to lead them back to your most merciful pity and to exhibit them to your gaze: and thus we ought not to give offence if we restore and reconcile to your advantage those whom the treachery of the seditious has ruined.’ [p. 88] This was the debate ( altercatio ) that went back and forth between them; this was their exchange of arguments ( querelae ); this was the case ( propositio ) of the father and the refutation ( responsio ) of the sons. 168 When even then they were unable to get him to agree to

in Confronting crisis in the Carolingian empire
E.A. Jones

As a major port in cross-channel trade, Rye (East Sussex) was much involved in the exchange of goods, people and ideas with northern mainland Europe, and it is not surprising that there was early interest in Protestantism here. During the years immediately following Henry VIII’s ‘Act of Supremacy’ (1534), amidst vehement doctrinal debate, the town descended into factionalism and near civil war. 58 Through all this

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
E.A. Jones

abandoned the subject, and turned to address his sermons to merchants and the rich, often asserting that no one could enjoy riches in this world, and an abundance of material things, and still hope to enter the kingdom of heaven. And he so dwelt on the topic that some worthy men of the town, but for the workings of divine mercy, would have fallen into the error of despair. Then he wished to exchange the common life for the solitary

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
C. E. Beneš

Dondedeus Bos captured that ship and brought the Holy Cross and the other relics to Genoa, where he presented the cross to the Genoese commune and the church of San Lorenzo as a great gift. The other relics he kept for himself, hoping to acquire later a not-inconsiderable treasure from some prince in exchange for them. But because God did not want the city of Genoa to be despoiled of such treasures, after some time the aforesaid relics were

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
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Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

honour, having exchanged the summit of power for the monastic life. Chapter 8 [p. 32] Severus: I have been waiting for a long time to see what dubious arguments you wanted to put forward about this man, whom we knew – so to speak – better than ourselves, whose confidants we were, whom we do not doubt to have been a champion of justice and truth, whom we trusted more than ourselves. Perhaps, like certain philosophers, 151 we hold everything to be doubtful and theorise that nothing can be known for certain. Otherwise ask our Cremes, or Allabigus here, whose

in Confronting crisis in the Carolingian empire
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Gervase Rosser

business of the merchant: William Cely 1487 To the medieval merchant, accurate information was as valuable a resource as the goods in which he traded. In their letters, where these survive, the historian can observe the eager exchange of news regarding markets, economic competitors, and the larger context of diplomacy and war. The foreign agent or factor of a firm was naturally concerned to present his

in Towns in medieval England
Andrew Rabin

boasting, wrongfully curried favour with secular men everywhere too greatly; and it is worse that they willingly flatter unworthy men in search of praise. 9 [6] We delude ourselves with entertainers, and give them our money, and we willingly offer flattery in exchange for shameful words; we desire praise and to shield ourselves from insult. All of these are vain

in The political writings of Archbishop Wulfstan of York