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Mobilising the concept of strategic culture, this study develops a framework for understanding developments in German security policy between 1990 and 2003. Germany's contemporary security policies are characterised by a peculiar mix of continuity and change. From abstention in the first Gulf war, to early peacekeeping missions in Bosnia in the early 1990s and a full combat role in Kosovo in 1999, the pace of change in German security policy since the end of the Cold War has been breathtaking. The extent of this change has recently, however, been questioned, as seen most vividly in Berlin's response to ‘9/11’ and its subsequent stalwart opposition to the US-led war on terrorism in Iraq in 2003. Beginning with a consideration of the notion of strategic culture, the study refines and adapts the concept to the case of Germany through a consideration of aspects of the rearmament of West Germany. It then critically evaluates the transformation of the role of the Bundeswehr up to and including the war on terrorism, together with Germany's troubled efforts to enact defence reforms, as well as the complex politics surrounding the policy of conscription. By focusing on both the ‘domestics’ of security policy decision making as well as the changing and often contradictory expectations of Germany's allies, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the role played by Germany's particular strategic culture in shaping policy choices. It concludes by pointing to the vibrancy of Germany's strategic culture.

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Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

it unfolded in the German Bundestag – the debate’s major public forum – in the period between the first Gulf War in 1991 and the war against Iraq in 2003. It analyses how external events and pressures influenced the debate and how Germany’s actual policy towards the international crises of the post-Cold War era responded. It aims to understand why German policy makers abandoned the policy of strict military abstention in out-of-area conflicts and to discern the premises of the new policy that has taken its place. In other words, it seeks to answer the questions what

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
Issues for the intelligence community
Richard Kerr
Thomas Wolfe
Rebecca Donegan
, and
Aris Pappas

resources had a significant adverse impact on intelligence community capabilities. Nonetheless, during the 1990s the intelligence community confronted numerous crises in which to demonstrate the relevance of intelligence analysis to policy deliberations. Regional conflicts, such as the first Gulf war and follow-on sanctions against Iraq, the breakup of Yugoslavia, and emerging threats from North Korea and

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
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A ‘new humanitarianism’?
Silvia Salvatici

humanitarian world (from the UN agencies to some NGOs) supported the ‘interventionism’ of the Western governments; on the other hand, it has highlighted that the relief organisations as a whole increased their volume of work and gained greater visibility in the context of the first Gulf War (1990–91) and the post-war context. 2 This happened also because of the military forces which offered the humanitarians the necessary protection and built up a collaborative relationship with them. 3 In other words, over the last quarter of a century the various central players in the

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
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Documentary world views
Thomas Austin

screens during the first Gulf War was accompanied by the ‘magnified, overexposed, sexually caricatured image of Saddam Hussein’. Scarry’s analysis here could equally apply to the second Gulf War: ‘As we watched missiles going into targets that appeared to have no people within, it was as though either no one would be killed or the Gruesome Tyrant alone would be killed.’ Ibid., p. 48. Ibid., p. 52. Ibid., p. 53 See also Myra Macdonald, ‘Politicizing the personal: women’s voices in British television documentaries’, in Cynthia Carter, Gill Branston and Stuart Allan (eds

in Watching the world
Stephen Benedict Dyson

– ‘Op Plan 1003’ – did not fit the secretary’s goals for transformational warfare. Op Plan 1003 was essentially a formula for re-fighting the first Gulf War which had, after all, been spectacularly successful from an American military standpoint. To Rumsfeld, though, it was unsatisfactory. Op Plan 1003 relied upon the Powell doctrine principles of a long, slow build-up of a large, overwhelming ground

in Leaders in conflict
British foreign policy in the era of American hegemony

This book intends to fill an important gap in the body of research on the special relationship by exploring it from the perspective of post-war British governments, asking: how have they perceived the special relationship? How have they perceived and performed their foreign policy role within it? And have they viewed this role as being successful? Looking beyond the rhetoric of Churchill's Fulton speech and the innate cultural and historical ties between the British and Americans, the book demonstrates how the 'special relationship' that emerged between the two governments at this time was in fact the product of hard-nosed geopolitical brinkmanship, during a period of Anglo-American power struggles. It concludes that since its conception the special relationship has never quite been the alliance that the Churchill government hoped to create and that the tensions it caused between governments in Britain, America, Europe and the Commonwealth represent the genesis of themes that run as leitmotivs throughout post-war British foreign policy. This leads us onto the book's second aim, which is to show how at key moments of post-war international crisis successive British governments have attempted to perform the same active foreign policy role within the special relationship that Churchill's government defined in 1945. The book provides counterbalance to the prevailing view in academia that post-war British governments have accepted their declining status and influence in the special relationship since 1945, and that the rate of this decline accelerated markedly following the events of the Suez crisis in the late 1950s.

Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.

Religion, class and multiculturalism

This book aims to bring together a materialist, class-based analysis with a recognition of the role of cultural, including religious, difference in stratifying society and marginalising certain - especially Muslim - members of society. It explores the relationship between class and minority religious identity while advocating a positive recognition of cultural and religious difference in the public sphere as a means of working against its unevenness and challenging this stratification, marginalisation and stigmatisation. By combining a materialist approach with a recognition of the significance of religious faith, the book also sutures the political and the religious, the public and the private. The book seeks to reframe the literary controversies involving Britain's Muslim minority. Focusing on the 1988-89 Satanic Verses controversy and the dispute surrounding Monica Ali's 2003 novel Brick Lane and its filming in 2006, as well as on protests by Muslims against H. G. Wells's A Short History of the World in 1930s Britain, Writing British Muslims grounds these outbreaks of religious minority offence in their local material conditions. By highlighting the unequal access to spatial, economic and cultural capital that shaped them, it complicates the normative representations of such disputes in terms of creative freedom and religious censure and censorship.

Spyros Blavoukos

recognized the legitimate and political rights of the Palestinian people while in return the PLO renounced terrorism and recognized Israel’s right to exist in conditions of peace and security (Rynhold 2007 : 423). Problems and policies Like in the Greek case discussed above, international developments, in particular the end of bipolarism but more importantly the 1991 first Gulf War, brought along new preoccupations in the Israeli foreign policy. First, the United States put pressure on Israel to foster closer relations

in Foreign policy as public policy?