Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 50 items for :

  • "first Gulf war" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
Author:

Mobilising the concept of strategic culture, this study develops a framework for understanding developments in German security policy between 1990 and 2003. Germany's contemporary security policies are characterised by a peculiar mix of continuity and change. From abstention in the first Gulf war, to early peacekeeping missions in Bosnia in the early 1990s and a full combat role in Kosovo in 1999, the pace of change in German security policy since the end of the Cold War has been breathtaking. The extent of this change has recently, however, been questioned, as seen most vividly in Berlin's response to ‘9/11’ and its subsequent stalwart opposition to the US-led war on terrorism in Iraq in 2003. Beginning with a consideration of the notion of strategic culture, the study refines and adapts the concept to the case of Germany through a consideration of aspects of the rearmament of West Germany. It then critically evaluates the transformation of the role of the Bundeswehr up to and including the war on terrorism, together with Germany's troubled efforts to enact defence reforms, as well as the complex politics surrounding the policy of conscription. By focusing on both the ‘domestics’ of security policy decision making as well as the changing and often contradictory expectations of Germany's allies, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the role played by Germany's particular strategic culture in shaping policy choices. It concludes by pointing to the vibrancy of Germany's strategic culture.

Abstract only
Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

it unfolded in the German Bundestag – the debate’s major public forum – in the period between the first Gulf War in 1991 and the war against Iraq in 2003. It analyses how external events and pressures influenced the debate and how Germany’s actual policy towards the international crises of the post-Cold War era responded. It aims to understand why German policy makers abandoned the policy of strict military abstention in out-of-area conflicts and to discern the premises of the new policy that has taken its place. In other words, it seeks to answer the questions what

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
Stephen Benedict Dyson

– ‘Op Plan 1003’ – did not fit the secretary’s goals for transformational warfare. Op Plan 1003 was essentially a formula for re-fighting the first Gulf War which had, after all, been spectacularly successful from an American military standpoint. To Rumsfeld, though, it was unsatisfactory. Op Plan 1003 relied upon the Powell doctrine principles of a long, slow build-up of a large, overwhelming ground

in Leaders in conflict
Spyros Blavoukos

recognized the legitimate and political rights of the Palestinian people while in return the PLO renounced terrorism and recognized Israel’s right to exist in conditions of peace and security (Rynhold 2007 : 423). Problems and policies Like in the Greek case discussed above, international developments, in particular the end of bipolarism but more importantly the 1991 first Gulf War, brought along new preoccupations in the Israeli foreign policy. First, the United States put pressure on Israel to foster closer relations

in Foreign policy as public policy?
Ben Cohen
and
Eve Garrard

constituency I am talking about not only opposed the Iraq War, but also opposed the intervention in Afghanistan before that, and in Kosovo before that, and so on back to the first Gulf War that evicted Saddam Hussein’s armies from Kuwait. And Berman’s other reasons – (1), and (3) through (6) – did not figure, or did not figure every time, in the previous conflicts I have mentioned. But the United States as the foremost embodiment of global capitalism, on one side, and (speaking loosely) regimes and movements of an utterly ghastly kind politically, on the other-these have

in The Norman Geras Reader
A. J. Coates

an assumption that, if left uncontested, may well become a fact. It appears that armed force, even in the late twentieth century and even against an unprincipled opponent, can continue to be effective without becoming inherently disproportionate and indiscriminate. The experience of the First Gulf War suggests that the capacity (as distinct from the will) to fight a war proportionately and discriminately has in fact improved since the Second World War – an improvement that might be expected to continue with technological advances (like the development of non

in The ethics of war
Screening war in Kosovo and Chechnya
Cerwyn Moore

first Gulf War. In his book, Waging Modern War: Bosnia, Kosovo and the Future of Combat, Wesley Clarke reflects on the Bosnian conflict, noting that modern communications and the media – actions that were relatively small could have potentially large political impact, and therefore affect the course of an entire campaign. Such an incident occurred in the Gulf War, when our aircraft struck a command bunker that was being used as a bomb shelter by families. The lesson wasn’t lost on us: watch the political impact of every decision and event.21 Clarke of course went on

in Contemporary violence
Abstract only
Limits and possibilities of the new consensus
Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

quick glance, Iraq did not herald a new Germany emancipating itself from bonds and alliances. On the contrary, the counterbalancing of the US was arguably precisely an expression of the ingrained German inclination to avoid standing alone on important international issues. From Iraq to Iraq: full circle? An external observer might conclude, that Germany by 2003 had come full circle: from abstinence in the first Gulf War via a temporary change in its view on the use of military means, and back to a policy of abstinence when the second Gulf War broke out in 2003. The

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
A. J. Coates

interplay of theory and practice must, by its very nature, lead to some disagreement. Not only do just war theorists differ in their understanding of theoretical principles and concepts, but they differ in their interpretation of the facts on which the moral judgement of war is crucially dependent. There are, for example, just as many critics of the First Gulf War among just war theorists as there are defenders of it. This divergence, though in some cases the result of theoretical dispute, arises in large measure from the contingent nature of the assessment and from the

in The ethics of war
Ilan Danjoux

), intrastate conflict (e.g. Darby 1983 ; Smith 1999 ; Lewin and Huff 2007 ) or international war (e.g. Dodds 1996 , 2007 ; Slyomovics 1993 ; Minear 2001 ). These studies range in both scope and focus. Conners ( 1998 ) found that depictions of Saddam Hussein became more sinister in the months preceding the First Gulf War; Yu-Rivera studies compares Filipino cartoons of Japan both before and after their

in Political cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict