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British fiscal policies in a colonial island world
Gregory Rawlings

majority who continued to pay a range of indirect taxes as they had in the colonial period. The emergence of tax havens, or offshore finance centres, in locations such as Vanuatu have their origins in imperial inequalities that were fostered in environments of diverse colonial experiences, encounters, and policies. Fiscal policy has been characterised by continuity and rupture between colonial and post-colonial orders, leading to further international inequalities in taxation which have been evident in the

in Imperial Inequalities

Feudalism, venality, and revolution is about the political and social order revealed by the monarchy’s most ambitious effort to reform its institutions, the introduction of participatory assemblies at all levels of the government. It should draw the attention of anyone interested in the sort of social and political conditions that predisposed people to make the French Revolution. In particular, according to Alexis de Tocqueville’s influential work on the Old Regime and the French Revolution, royal centralization had so weakened the feudal power of the nobles that their remaining privileges became glaringly intolerable to commoners. Feudalism, venality, and revolution challenges this theory by showing that when Louis XVI convened assemblies of landowners in the late 1770s and 1780s to discuss policies needed to resolve the budgetary crisis, he faced widespread opposition from lords and office holders. These elites regarded the assemblies as a challenge to their hereditary power over commoners. The monarchy incorporated an administration of seigneurial jurisdictions and venal offices. Lordships and offices upheld inequality on behalf of the nobility and bred the discontent evident in the French Revolution. These findings will alter the way scholars think about the Old Regime society and state and should therefore find a large market among graduate students and professors of European history.

Political economic governance and inequality in Indonesia
Maarten Manse

chapter shows that, as a result, officials had to constantly compromise and adapt their standards to the realities of governance on the ground. Consequently, practices of taxation barely reflected underlying ideologies, leading to the continuation of already established political, economic, and fiscal inequalities within the colony. Before 1870, Dutch colonial fiscal policy was characterised by coerced labour, tributes, and duties that had their origins in allegedly indigenous ‘pseudo

in Imperial Inequalities
Abstract only
The Age of Veneer': the limits of liberal consumerism
Peter Gurney

economical creed’ generally accepted by governing elites was at present ‘almost exclusively confined to their own country and class’.8 Other commentators agreed. Reflecting on the twenty years that had elapsed since the Great Exhibition, the hard-nosed ‘journeyman engineer’ Thomas Wright underlined the success of certain aspects of liberal fiscal policy, admitting that ‘those of the working classes who take note of or think upon political matters readily acknowledge … the legislature have, in reducing taxes upon commodities, materially benefited the working classes’.9

in Wanting and having
Shashi Tharoor

up with the legal literature he had to master to qualify for the bar and chose not to appear for the bar examinations. Instead, in his hunger for education, he sought and won admission to the University of Bonn. 51 But no sooner had he moved to begin his studies in Germany than he was summoned back to London—his thesis had occasioned an uproar among the faculty because of the savagery of its attacks on British fiscal policy, and he was ordered to rewrite it before his degree could be awarded. Ambedkar had no choice

in B. R. Ambedkar
Alex Cobham

Adjustment: How Much Has Happened? (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1990), available at (last accessed 28 March 2022). 24 Williamson, ‘What Washington means by policy reform’. 25 C. Adam and D. Bevan, ‘Fiscal policy design in low-income countries’, and C. Heady, ‘Taxation policy in low-income countries’, both in T. Addison and A

in Imperial Inequalities
The case of Britain
Gurminder K. Bhambra

. But, as Douglas Kanter argues, one of the problems with this narrative is that the UK was not just ‘British’ but also included Ireland, and ‘Irish fiscal policy fits uneasily into this account’. 14 At the very outset of reintroducing income tax into the British state, Peel omitted Ireland from any obligation to pay due to a concern with exacerbating opposition to the Act of Union. However, when the famine occurred in 1845, there was then resistance to the provision of relief by central government

in Imperial Inequalities
Taxpayers, taxation, and expenditure in Sierra Leone, c. 1890s to 1937
Laura Channing

populations. 3 Historians have noticed these broad trends, and Martin Daunton argues that in the colonies, ‘unlike in Britain, the administrators showed little concern for balance and equity in the tax system: it was biased between groups, as a deliberate act of policy’. 4 Scholarship on colonial taxation has taken off in the last two decades with a focus on colonial and imperial fiscal policy, balancing budgets, and the source composition of revenue. It is now well established that the most important factor

in Imperial Inequalities
The consumer politics of popular liberalism
Peter Gurney

rich and poor ever since he had been Vice-President of the Board of Trade the year the ‘Bombshell Budget’ was introduced, as we saw in Chapter 5. Gladstone’s fiscal policy continued Peel’s work by privileging the interests of poor consumers especially; Fraser’s Magazine, for instance, described his 1853 Budget as ‘a lineal successor of the Peel Budgets of 1842 and 1845’.2 Gladstonian economic policy was based on three broad principles: retrenchment and the rationalisation of government finance; a tax system that would not retard industrial and commercial development

in Wanting and having
Marxism and post-modernity
Paul Blackledge

’s analysis of the emergence of a ‘overconsumptionist’ regime of accumulation in America in the 1970s and 1980s, within which there occurred ‘an increasingly political subsidisation of a sub-bourgeois, mass layer of managers, professionals, new entrepreneurs and rentiers’,47 Callinicos argued that the new middle class benefited from Reagan’s and Thatcher’s ‘reorientation of fiscal policy’ towards, in part, ‘a redistribution from poor to rich’.48 However, the emerging hegemony of post-modern discourse in the 1980s could not be reduced to this economic process. Rather, post

in Reflections on the Marxist theory of history