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What the COVID-19 Pandemic Has Shown Us about the Humanitarian Sphere’s Approach to Local Faith Engagement
Ellen Goodwin

initially hit high-income contexts hardest, in Europe and North America, COVID-19 later spread indiscriminately around the world, including to low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) and fragile contexts. As well as the devastating consequences for people’s health, the governments in LMICs were often unable to produce the fiscal policy responses delivered by governments in high-income countries to support people during the lockdowns, travel bans and restrictions of movement

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract only
Helen Thompson

floating currencies did sometimes produce a deflationary bias for governments that made welfare states and patronage more difficult to finance and monetary and fiscal policy redundant as tools of full employment. As the contrasting experiences of Mitterrand’s government in 1981–83 and Thatcher’s in 1986–88 demonstrated, when each rapidly expanded demand, currency speculation and capital flight were indeed more likely to bedevil left-wing governments than right. And in Japan in the 1990s, the cumulative consequences of financial liberalisation, currency appreciation and

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Financial liberalisation and the end of the Cold War
Helen Thompson

were thus less able to resist at least some financial liberalisation. The reinternationalisation of monetary policy left those wanting a stable currency obliged to try to match American monetary policy. And, the harder containing the dollar’s appreciation became, the more governments were forced to tighten their fiscal policy to impress the foreign-exchange markets with their anti-inflationary will. Most fatally, high interest rates dramatically increased the cost of servicing debt. In August 1982, the Mexican finance minister announced that Mexico would be unable to

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Helen Thompson

monetary and fiscal policy now had to be directed to maintaining confidence in a state’s gold parity. It meant that elected politicians lost some of the autonomy and power which they had previously enjoyed, leaving them reliant on central bankers who did not necessarily share their concerns about high growth and employment. Most troublesomely, they had to adjust to the anti-inflationary monetary policy pursued by the American Federal Reserve Board at the same time as the American government heavily discriminated against imports. For the gold standard to work several

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Barry Cannon

by retaining in the finance portfolio Caldera’s minister, Maritza Izaguirre. As a result there was little change in finance management. The currency exchange arrangements were maintained, even as public spending was increased. In the new constitution of 1999 there was no great change in fiscal policy regulations, which Kelly affirms remained consistent with the capitalist principles of the 1961 constitution. 22 Indeed, she concludes that while there is a strong emphasis on social rights and entitlements (see ‘Security’ below), the constitution also includes

in Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian revolution
From import-substitution industrialization to economic liberalization
Sagarika Dutt

, exportimport policy, technology upgradation, fiscal policy, foreign equity capital, removal of controls and restrictions, and rationalizing and simplifying the system of fiscal and administrative regulation.All these changes were aimed at increasing private-sector investment to modernize the economy and usher in rapid growth.The new policy offered greater scope for expansion to the private sector, particularly in the corporate segment of the manufacturing industry, and opened Economic development up opportunities for multinational enterprises.The seventh plan was heralded

in India in a globalized world
Casper Sylvest

that Palmerston formed in 1859 was remarkable because it reflected a wide liberal coalition, and it is generally seen as the formal beginnings of the Liberal Party. Gladstone became Chancellor of the 40 The roots of liberal internationalism ­ xchequer, and his tight fiscal policies groaned loudly against PalmerE ston’s wish to spend on defence. Despite not being part of the govern­ment, Cobden also played a major role as an ally of Gladstone when he negotiated the Anglo-French Treaty of 1860. It is true, as Anthony Howe has remarked, that ‘Cobdenite foreign policy

in British liberal internationalism, 1880–1930
Thomas Robb

assessments were largely accurate if the private papers of American officials are anything to go by. In one example from Simon’s private correspondence, he bemoaned American fiscal policy for resembling a ‘socialist’ agenda. If such a course was not reversed, then Simon predicted that ‘socialism’ would take hold in the US.153 Socialism was clearly used by Simon as a pejorative term in this context. Ford’s other economic advisers were just as disdainful about Britain’s economic position. Greenspan and his staff for instance provided damning verdicts on Callaghan’s economic

in A strained partnership?
Helen Thompson

anxiety about the future of the state to keep the Deutschmark at an undervalued rate even as annual trade surpluses accumulated. Abetted by the Bundesbank’s statutory responsibility to direct monetary policy towards price stability, they also used fiscal policy and informal negotiations with trade unions and business groups to maintain a tight anti-inflationary discipline. Without ever tempting a balance-of-payments crisis, by the end of the 1950s, the West German government had realised both full employment and some capital account convertibility.18 Such economic

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Kai Oppermann
Klaus Brummer

Political Institutions Work , Princeton: Princeton University Press. Volkens, Andrea, Pola Lehmann, Theres Matthieß, Nicolas Merz, and Sven Regel (2016) The Manifesto Data Collection. Manifesto Project (MRG/CMP/MARPOR). Version 2016b. Berlin: Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB). Volkerink, Bjørn and Jakob De Haan (2001) Fragmented Government Effects on Fiscal Policy: New Evidence, Public Choice 109(3/4), 221–242. Wagschal, Uwe (1999) Blockieren Vetospieler Steuerreformen

in Foreign policy as public policy?