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the new group; however, he objected to the Scout movement’s emphasis on patriotism and was forced out of the American organisation in 1915. 24 Whether Baden-Powell’s main concern prior to 1920 was training citizens or future soldiers has sparked much scholarly debate. 25 Tensions within the early Scout movement, as exemplified by Seton and others, suggest that Baden-Powell initially sought to train both. Girls took an early interest in the scouting movement with a large group attending the first big Scout rally at Crystal Palace in London

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23
Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

Prisoners of the past

This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.

. “What can a handful of boys do against the great British Empire?”’ they shrugged. Others worried that the military training provided by the Fianna would inspire boys to join the British army. Still others found the youth group too extremist in its commitment to Irish nationalism. 2 Despite being faced with such negative attitudes, Na Fianna Éireann soldiered on, preparing boys (and some girls) for their future roles in the struggle for Irish independence. Between its establishment in 1909 and the end of the Irish Civil War in 1923, the

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23
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Activism, feminism and the rise of the female office worker during the First World War and its immediate aftermath

-based activism among clerical workers. This chapter draws on fresh 1 D. Gallie, ‘The labour force’, in A. H. Halsey and Josephine Webb (eds), Twentieth Century British Social Trends (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000), p. 287. 2 Michael Heller, London Clerical Workers, 1880–1914 (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2010); R. Guerriero Wilson, Disillusionment or New Opportunities? The Changing Nature of Work in Offices, Glasgow 1880–1914 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998); Meta Zimmeck, ‘Jobs for the girls: the expansion of clerical work for women, 1850–1914’, in Angela V. John (ed

in Labour and working-class lives

was also some overlap between older members of the Fianna and the Volunteers. An example is Patrick O’Daly, who was already a member of the Volunteers when he moved to Tuam, County Galway, in his mid-twenties. There he found that the local Fianna sluagh was more actively engaged in military training than the Volunteers, so he joined the youth group and remained a member when he returned to Dublin. 71 Gender Although the Fianna were officially for boys, some girls did get involved in the organisation in certain

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23

’s and men’s discussions in early consciousness-raising groups, as individuals sought to understand wider social questions behind specific experiences on the Left. Questions surrounding the roots of early feminist consciousness have traditionally focused on the experience of girls growing up in 1950s and early 1960s society and culture.47 Yet little attention has been given to men’s ‘defensive solidarity’ that caused these women such confusion.48 This section scrutinises the subjectivity of the post-war ‘scholarship boy’ whose sense of left self was accompanied by his

in Young lives on the Left
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their Victorian philosophies away from character building towards self-discovery and self-development.2 Post-fifteen education supported social understandings of youth as a time of personal growth. Teachers were often active in this process. The previous chapter showed female teachers encouraging intellectual endeavour among sixties girls. Mary Ingham recalled the ‘oasis of stimulation’ marking her sixth-form days: ‘our minds were being tuned and primed, travelling around the world, back in time, communicating in foreign languages, conducting experiments, making

in Young lives on the Left
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Discourses of normality and denormalisation in German punk lyrics

‘Mein Girl is höchstgradig kriminell’, Die Goldenen Zitronen construct a lyrical dialogue between two guys boasting about their respective partners, a pleasant left-liberal middle-class girl and a notorious criminal. The singer-persona positions himself against the progressive yet acceptable left-liberal consensus to insist on the attraction of being radical and opting out of the bell-curve belly described by Link: ‘My girl is extremely criminal, she builds bombs and swallows piles of drugs, yeah my girl knows exactly what she wants, to never ever be like your girl at

in Fight back

Work of the type necessary for training had to be intensified during 1918, because of the conscription threat, and many young lads and girls joined various organisations to fight against it …. But, needless to relate, when the danger passed on so did most of those members. 1 This assertion from Fianna officer Patrick Hearne that membership in Irish nationalist organisations in his native Waterford waxed and waned depending on the public’s perception of British threat illustrates why Na Fianna Éireann expanded

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23