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weapons of mass destruction has spurred widespread debate in the Middle East about the real purpose of the recent war, which most Arab commentators now see as a bid by the United States to consolidate its regional and global hegemony. U.S. threats against Iran and Syria play into this fear, increasing a general determination to resist. And the
been able to overwhelm the Spaniards and gain independence without US intervention. By contrast, most major Cuban historians (well before the arrival of Castro), including Emilio Roig de Leuchsenring, Herminio Portell Vilá and Fernando Ortiz, dispute this hegemonic US paradigm. 143 They argue that the Cuban forces were on the verge of winning, and that the intervention of the US was unnecessary and ‘robbed them of their fruits of victory’. 144 But a minority of equally reputable Cuban
of their existence”’ ( Bourdieu 1998b , 99). In this case, extending to the organisation’s propagandised narratives, AQ’s exploitation of and benefit from US trading activity in the region operates in a reflexive dialectic with the rampant globalisation of hegemonic US economic activity. Elsewhere in the Middle East, Islamic charities themselves have been accused by the US Department of State of financing AQ-affiliated terrorism. Once more, these examples explicate ideological tension in AQ’s donated finance, given its stated rejection of US economic influence