How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be
Benjamin J. Spatz
Alex de Waal
of everything and not all behaviour fits within the
framework; it is not economic determinism by another name. Indeed, this logic is
often closely intertwined with, and operates alongside, other political logics, such
as the logic of exclusionary identitypolitics ( Kaldor and de Waal, 2021 ). Moreover, political markets, like all other
markets, are socially embedded; societal norms shape the market, and certain actions
are clearly proscribed. In South Sudan’s civil war, for instance
– such as the ones about Austria – mobilised
national culture and identitypolitics in their audio-visual rhetoric. 27 Although the MP films
about Greece follow this trend, their projection of a ‘humanitarian
narrative’ is consistently related to a historical dialectic between
modern and classical Greece that positions the MP aid within a dual
perspective of national reconstruction and universal necessity
and intensive model
of parenting, affects a more universal and collective call for a global
international humanitarianism. While social media provides opportunities
to share and discuss information about toy safety, it will be argued
that emotion is an important part of humanitarian mobilisation, and that
the emotions of consumption are often thwarted by the identitypolitics
those institutions have had in
fostering security cooperation and mitigating conflict in Eurasia.
Part II examines a broad range of threats to Eurasian stability and the
European security order. Douglas Blum, in Chapter 2, investigates the
important role played by identitypolitics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. Blum focuses on the potentially combustible mix of
contested national identities and weak state structures that have emerged in
the successor states of the former Soviet Union
Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
scholars, commentators and policy makers. Rather, it was
implicated in a powerful identitypolitics where knowledge and power
went hand in hand.
It was in this context that conspiracy theories emerged
as a subject of concern for American foreign policy commentators
after 9/11. Yet explaining the origins the terrorist attacks
necessarily required a consideration of the opaque and
but through soft power engagement and democracy promotion.
The presence of the Arab-Muslim paranoia narrative in
US counter-terrorism doctrine is particularly interesting, given the
powerful identitypolitics associated with this perspective in the
preceding chapters. The fact that this narrative, as it appeared in
post-9/11 foreign policy commentary, helped delegitimise
Gendered legacies and feminist futures in the Asia-Pacific
project. The first is
feminist theorizing of identitypolitics, particularly gendered
identity constructions and practices, at the individual, state and
international level. For critical feminists these identities,
socially constructed and reproduced in individuals and structures,
constitute a world which is shaped by gendered meanings ( Sheehan, 2005 : 117).
the reforms needed to secure durable peace.
There is another reason to emphasise nationality, and a sense of
belonging, identity predicated on nationhood – albeit not a nationhood
based on exclusive, immutable features – and that is because while the
process of globalisation affords some positive goods, it has also brought
about tremendous political and economic instability and rupture. In the
face of such uncertainty, identitypolitics in the narrowest sense, predicated on certain immutable features and ideals, assumes a particular
potency. Identities are