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Claudia Merli
and
Trudi Buck

This article considers the contexts and processes of forensic identification in 2004 post-tsunami Thailand as examples of identity politics. The presence of international forensic teams as carriers of diverse technical expertise overlapped with bureaucratic procedures put in place by the Thai government. The negotiation of unified forensic protocols and the production of estimates of identified nationals straddle biopolitics and thanatocracy. The immense identification task testified on the one hand to an effort to bring individual bodies back to mourning families and national soils, and on the other hand to determining collective ethnic and national bodies, making sense out of an inexorable and disordered dissolution of corporeal as well as political boundaries. Individual and national identities were the subject of competing efforts to bring order to,the chaos, reaffirming the cogency of the body politic by mapping national boundaries abroad. The overwhelming forensic effort required by the exceptional circumstances also brought forward the socio-economic and ethnic disparities of the victims, whose post-mortem treatment and identification traced an indelible divide between us and them.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Older people’s interest organisations and collective action in Ireland
Author:

The politics of old age in the twenty-first century is contentious, encompassing ideological debates about how old age is conceptualised and the rights and welfare entitlements of individuals in later life. Synthesising key theoretical writings in political science, social/critical gerontology and cultural sociology, the book provides an insight into the complexity of older people’s identity politics, its relationship with age-based social policy and how the power of older people’s interest organisations, their legitimacy and existence remain highly contingent on government policy design, political opportunity structures and the prevailing cultural and socio-economic milieu. The book situates the discussion in the international context and outlines findings of an Irish case study which explores the evolution of older people’s interest organisation in Ireland from their inception in the mid-1990s to the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. The book is essential reading for policymakers and organisations interested in ageing, policy and the political process and for students of ageing, social policy and political sociology.

Directors and members
Martha Doyle

constituency which older people’s interest organisations seek to represent, how they strive to work with and represent this constituency and the factors which facilitate and inhibit this work. Focusing on the notion of collective identity or identity politics it also explores whether identity formation is consolidated or defined in older people’s interest organisations and the implications of this for the organisation of older people’s interests. The findings in this chapter emerge from the interviews and focus groups conducted with the directors, staff and members of ten

in The politics of old age
Martha Doyle

culture. 14 THE POLITICS OF OLD AGE A sociological perspective – collective identities and identity politics Commencing in the late 1960s the issue of identity began to be associated with the notions of collective action and ‘identity politics’. Central within this discourse was the theme of domination and group identities. The early writings in this area tended to place emphasis on one broad social identifier such as age, ethnicity, gender or sexual orientation, and failed to give sufficient recognition to the interaction of different variables, such as personal

in The politics of old age
Abstract only
Sarah Glynn

. This different perspective allows me to develop a critical overview of this political history and of the impacts of postmodern understandings and to put forward a radically different alternative. This book exposes the fundamental flaws in the culturalist approaches and identity politics that have become shibboleths of ‘progressive’ thought; and it puts forward a call for a return to materialist understandings that can be used to underpin a new attack on fundamental socio-economic inequalities. The point is not to ignore or belittle racism and discrimination, but to

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
Ipek Demir

to position diaspora at the centre of our understanding of contemporary global social order, especially in the age of the rise of nativism, exclusive nationalism and White identity politics. Immigration is seen as engulfing the world – not just the Global North but also the Global South. However, this is not a crisis of migration, but rather a socio-political crisis. The immigration issue is closely

in Diaspora as translation and decolonisation
Abstract only
D. A. J. MacPherson

public activism. Orangewomen’s public and political work also nearly always involved some aspect of identity politics. In opening an Orange ward at the Trent Bridge hospital for wounded soldiers, the Orangewomen of England underlined both their commitment to the war effort and their belief that the war was being fought in defence of a Protestant British Empire. In Scotland, women used their Orange activism to raise money for potentially besieged Ulster Unionist women and children during 1913, emphasising their commitment to Ireland’s position within the Empire

in Women and the Orange Order
Annedith Schneider

religious communities. Brouard and Tiberj (2011) suggest ‘identity politics’ as the proper translation, which does get at the heart of the matter for the French: a concern with political organisation along ethnic or religious lines. The term does not translate easily because it concerns a particularly French idea of the nation, which holds that emphasising one’s sub-national identity (especially based on race, ethnicity or religion) weakens one’s national identity and inevitably leads to division and sectarianism within the nation, the unity of which is based on a unity

in Turkish immigration, art and narratives of home in France
Abstract only
Sarah Glynn

in areas of existing Bengali settlement, also left a legacy of physical segregation. Black radicalism and the identity politics of the New Social Movements morphed into theories of multiculturalism that were taken up by the liberal-left – especially by the GLC and other Labour councils – and were then institutionalised by the liberal establishment. And once Bengalis had breached the resistance of the remains of the local Labour right wing, their community-based politics thrived in this new environment. In Tower Hamlets Council Bengalis continued to make use of

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
Sarah Glynn

emergence of New Social Movements by embracing many of the concepts of identity politics as a fundamental plank of their progressive politics. Even more money for voluntary groups was given out by the GLC under Ken Livingston, both directly and through support for ‘stressed’ local boroughs such as Tower Hamlets.120 By the time the GLC was abolished in 1986 and funding for community groups was cut back, the once-radical leaders had lost their independence and many had their feet under the council table. Support for cultural pluralism had existed since well before the

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End