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Anglo-Muslim relations in the late nineteenth century

The British saw Egypt as a major route to India where their interests could be threatened in alarming ways. This book sheds light on the formation of English national identities in relation to Islam as understood in the context of the British imperial mission. It focuses on the late nineteenth century, a period that marks a new departure in Anglo-Muslim relations in the context of the British Empire shifting the ground on which British identity politics operated. The role of the British Government and English activists respectively in the campaign to suppress slave traffic in Egypt and surrounding areas is discussed. Government officials and British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS) members redefined English culture and proper English gender roles. Anti-slavery campaign had as much to do with English domestic as it did with Egyptian and British imperial politics. The book examines the relationships between activism in England, the implementation of government policy in Egypt and imperial encounters, as well as the production of identities and ideologies associated with these efforts. References to the East, Islam and the harem were used to define the behaviour that the English feminists sought to eliminate from their own society as un-English. The poem 'British Turk' focuses on the oppression of English women, on the burdens associated with marriage. The book also explains how the concept of the English nation as the centre of an empire helped to establish a place in England for Islam.

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The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857–1914
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This book examines the nineteenth-century ideology of 'martial races', the belief that some groups of men are biologically or culturally predisposed to the arts of war. It explores how and why Scottish Highlanders, Punjabi Sikhs and Nepalese Gurkhas became linked in both military and popular discourse as the British Empire's fiercest, most manly soldiers. The violent disruption of the Rebellion of 1857, and the bitterness with which it was fought on both sides, had effects in both Britain and India that went far beyond the cessation of hostilities. The reactions of the British and Indian armies to the European threat created the preconditions for the rise of martial race ideology and discourse. This book also argues that in addition to helping shape Victorian culture more generally, the army influenced the regional cultures of the Highlands, the Punjab and Nepal in remarkably enduring ways. The Victorian army was in fact instrumental in shaping late Victorian British popular culture. The book documents the concrete ways that the 'martial races' themselves were, in a very real sense, self-conscious constructs of the British imagination in spite of the naturalised racial and gendered language that surrounded them. The book bridges regional studies of South Asia and Britain while straddling the fields of racial theory, masculinity, imperialism, identity politics, and military studies. It challenges the marginalisation of the British Army in histories of Victorian popular culture, and demonstrates the army's enduring impact on the regional cultures of the Highlands, the Punjab and Nepal.

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British anti- racist non- fiction after empire
Dominic Davies

Collective, writing in their 1970s ‘Statement’, called ‘identity politics’: ‘We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics comes directly out of our own identity’, they wrote. ‘We reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind. To be recognised as human, levelly human, is enough.’ 3 For the Collective, identity

in British culture after empire
African Caribbean women, belonging and the creation of Black British beauty spaces in Britain (c. 1948– 1990)
Mobeen Hussain

space The development of Black British beauty spaces was further complicated by beauty contests as events and arenas in which, as Carolyn Cooper notes, ‘emotionally charged identity politics is played out in ways that are far more serious than mere entertainment’. 77 Unsurprisingly, pageants’ ideal winners in the Caribbean were middle-class, lighter

in British culture after empire
Tasnim Qutait

underscoring their shared sense that what they are witnessing is ‘melting the frame of everything, making history collapse’. 59 Reflecting on the role of ‘Islam in the writing process’ in a post-9/11 context, Yassin-Kassab discusses his character Ammar as representing ‘Islam as Western identity politics, a somewhat panicked response to dislocation and

in British culture after empire
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Diane Robinson-Dunn

approach is necessary if we consider identities not as structures or categories, but rather as cultural processes which occur in relationships, in this case imperial relationships. 2 I focus on the late nineteenth century, a period that marks a new departure in Anglo-Muslim relations in the context of the British Empire, both in England and abroad, shifting the ground on which British identity politics operated

in The harem, slavery and British imperial culture
Sarukhan’s al-Masri Effendi cartoons in the first half of the 1930s
Keren Zdafee

, 2004; Mona Russell, ‘Marketing the Modern Egyptian Girl: Whitewashing Soap and Clothes from the Late Nineteenth Century to 1936’, Journal of Middle East Women's Studies , 6 (3 – Special Issue: Marketing Muslim Women), 2010, pp. 19–57; Relli Shechter, ‘Press Advertising in Egypt: Business Realities and Local Meaning, 1882–1956’, Arab Studies Journal , 10 (2)/11 (1), 2002/2003, pp. 44–66; Relli Shechter, ‘Reading Advertisements in a Colonial/Development Context: Cigarettes Advertising and Identity Politics in Egypt, c .1919–1939’, Journal of Social History , 39 (2

in Comic empires
Charles V. Reed

justify the monarchy and the empire well into the twentieth century. At the same time, as the coronation durbar demonstrates, these ritual practices, which were limited and unstable from their inception, were increasingly undermined, delegitimised, and challenged by emerging mythologies of belonging and identity politics. * * * Royal tourists, colonial subjects

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
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Testimony, memoir and the work of reconciliation
Gillian Whitlock

narrative, in expressions of concern about how indigenous stories are dealt with in the dominant culture – what Helen Hoy calls the commodification of indigenous texts for the white palate 10 – and in considering which kinds of intellectual work can best pursue inter-racial dialogue. The emergence of child removal as a site of memory in these geographically remote yet historically proximate settler states gives rise to a number of issues. Firstly, it alerts us to the connections between memory and identity politics, and the ways

in Rethinking settler colonialism
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Fields of understanding and political action
Richard Philips

sexuality in non-Western contexts. Frank Mort locates gay and lesbian identities and identity politics within a relatively narrow ‘puritan diaspora’ 29 that includes Britain, North America and Australia, but does not ‘travel’ well to continental Europe, let alone to other parts of the world, where the gender of one’s sexual partner(s) is not necessarily the defining feature of one’s sexuality. Conceivably, a gay and lesbian organisation would be seen as alien in Southern Africa, though some space might be found there for sexual

in Sex, politics and empire