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– such as the ones about Austria – mobilised national culture and identity politics in their audio-visual rhetoric. 27 Although the MP films about Greece follow this trend, their projection of a ‘humanitarian narrative’ is consistently related to a historical dialectic between modern and classical Greece that positions the MP aid within a dual perspective of national reconstruction and universal necessity
and intensive model of parenting, affects a more universal and collective call for a global international humanitarianism. While social media provides opportunities to share and discuss information about toy safety, it will be argued that emotion is an important part of humanitarian mobilisation, and that the emotions of consumption are often thwarted by the identity politics of consumption
known for works that display an ‘edgy humor’ as well as ‘striking imagery’ and ‘layers of critique’, eschewing narrow identity politics for what they term ‘complexity’. 35 Speaking of Repellent Fence , Martinez has explained that they were not interested in creating ‘simple models’ but rather in ‘mediating the complexity’, adding ‘we entrench ourselves with the entanglements and in many ways create even more entanglements.’ 36 The entanglements of Repellent Fence include the politics and cultures of the US–Mexico border, specifically the tension between purely
they too might declare their identification with a process which denounces nuclear weapons. This suggests that elements of identity politics and reputation will be important in the long-term process of moving to a nuclear-free world, and that the emergence, reinforcement, and ‘cascade’ of the norm defining nuclear weapons as abhorrent will place pressure on all states. Richard
identity politics tends to assume that an identity must first be in place in order for political interests to be elaborated and, subsequently, political action to be taken. My argument is that there need not be a ‘doer behind the deed’, but that the ‘doer’ is variably constructed in and through the deed. Butler argues that performative identities are always provisional: rooted in performance, they are by definition unfinished, engaged in a never-ending process of becoming rather than occupying a state of being. In order for these identities to endure, the
B. Baser, ‘The Kurdish diaspora in Europe’. 52 L. Hintz, Identity Politics Inside Out: National Identity Contestation and Foreign Policy in Turkey (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018), p. 146. 53 D. Koşulu, ‘The Alevi quest in
the NAV-DEM as the political arm of the PKK and reported that, with its 14,000 followers, the PKK is the most powerful political Kurdish network in Germany. The NAV-DEM focuses on Kurdish identity, politics and culture, and continues to lobby local, national and supranational actors (mainly the EU) for the Kurdish cause. However, its relations with the German state have been turbulent, characterised
practices may have fuelled the continuation of war and may not have fostered industry. However, they have made the DRC and other neighbouring countries’ economies grow (Bayart 1998; Straus and Waldorf 2011). Additionally, as the localists and regionalists have argued, the resource wars thesis neglects important identity, political and security concerns that go hand in hand with economic motivations. These criticisms have resonated strongly in the most recent policy strategies, to the point of embracing them (Day and Ayet Puigarnau 2013; Framework Agreement 2013; ISSSS
. 10 Second, the concept of complex realism helps to explain the changing nature of foreign policy making in the Middle East, its particular dynamics that are sensitive to regional identity politics and domestic pressures, sometimes of a religious or identity nature and also as side-effects of particular political economies of rentierism. Hinnebusch and Eteshami argue that the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) environment is more complex than traditional realist analysis considers
project. The first is feminist theorizing of identity politics, particularly gendered identity constructions and practices, at the individual, state and international level. For critical feminists these identities, socially constructed and reproduced in individuals and structures, constitute a world which is shaped by gendered meanings ( Sheehan, 2005 : 117). These subjective