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all, the notion of ‘security’ had to adapt itself to the core constitutive themes of individual rights, exchange and openness. As Andreas Behnke has argued, the security argument was employed in a derivative and protective manner, rather than in a productive way. 29 During ‘Kosovo’, the notion of security was deprived of its traditional linkages to sovereignty and instead referred to the
privatization of ethnicity in liberal democracy maximizes individual rights but minimizes collective rights. 43 Examples of countries that embrace civic nationalism are the United Kingdom and the United States. These states possess a civic national identity where democracy, citizenship and national identity are closely intertwined with the state. With the individual’s rights at the
amendments in 2002. These entailed arrangements at entity level mirroring those at the level of the State, including strong communal-veto powers which ‘accentuated the predominance of group representation over individual rights’ (Bieber, 2006: 130). As Misha Glenny (1999: 651–2) observed, ‘Dayton brought the fighting to an end, in itself a considerable achievement. But as a model for reconciliation and for
strategic notice of risk. He argues nonetheless that ‘The formal aim of CONTEST – which is being achieved – is [. . .] to reduce the risk from terrorism so that people can go about their normal life freely (that is, with the rule of law upheld and without the authorities having to interfere with individual rights and liberties) and with confidence’ ( 2015 , p. 16). Reducing (violent) radicalisation and extremism arguably modernises classic counter-insurgency doctrine. However, Omand emphasises that CONTEST was originally conceived in such a way as to clearly separate
subject of self-government as well. This way, the participation of the governed in their government is not due to their allegedly natural individual rights or freedoms, but ‘because government already depends on the liberties and capacities of the governed exercised within an economy’ ( Dean, 1999 , p. 174). Hence, notwithstanding there is not a natural relationship between liberalism, rule of law and democracy, Foucault’s conception of liberal government enables putting them within this rationality of government. Despite Foucault’s conception of liberal government
individual becomes ‘actor, designer, juggler and stage director of his own biography’ (Beck, 1997: 11–19, 95, original emphasis). Against this, communitarianism – positing as it does a ‘common moral good’ which must trump individual rights (Mouffe, 1993: 31) – represents a retreat into a ‘counter-modernity’ of ‘constructed certitude’ (Beck, 1997: 62