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distinct Scottish trajectory. Universities and Left Review brought together a more diverse group of un-aligned students, often immigrants from British colonies.21 Stuart Hall, the NLR’s first editor, wrote that the journal’s approach was rooted in ‘the argument that any prospect for the renewal of the left had to begin with a new conception of socialism and a radically new analysis of the social relations, dynamics and culture of post-war capitalism’.22 NLR would become a crucial staging post for the intellectual development of a left-wing Scottish nationalism
–95. Since the downfall of the Conservative Party in 1997 he has continued to advocate liberal economics, so that as the New Right academic Norman Barry has commented, Redwood is a ‘gloriously unreconstructed Thatcherite’.4 The development of these economic liberal ideas and Redwood’s place within that intellectual development constitutes a theme within the first part of the chapter. However, although Redwood developed these ideas into concrete policy proposals, especially in terms of privatisation, it is arguable that he added little theoretical contribution to that
’ societies informed (and contextualizes) Krishnavarma’s advocacy for political violence in resisting empire, the apotheosis of such a ‘militant’ condition. In total, then, Krishnavarma’s turn to Spencerian sociology animated an anti-colonialism that was distinctively political (rather than nativist), cosmopolitan (rather than inward-looking), and sociological (rather than romantic or anti-modern). In Section 1, I begin by briefly sketching out the unusual heterodoxy of Krishnavarma’s early intellectual development, shaped by the confluence of Eastern and Western
This book retraces the human and intellectual development that has led the author to one very firm conviction: that the tensions that afflict the Western world’s relationship with the Muslim world are at their root political, far more than they are ideological. It aims to limit itself to a precise scholarly arena: recounting, as meticulously as possible, the most striking interactions between a personal life history and professional and research trajectories. This path has consistently centered on how the rise of political Islam has been expressed: first in the Arab world, then in its interactions with French and Western societies, and finally in its interactions with other European and Western societies. It brings up-to-date theses formulated in the 2000s, in particular in the author’s previous book Islamism in the Shadow of al-Qaeda (2005, 2nd ed. 2010, English ed. 2010), by measuring them up against the lessons of the powerful revolutionary dynamics set off by the “Arab Spring” of 2011, followed by the counter-revolutionary ones.
Refiguring childhood stages a series of encounters with biosocial power, which is a specific zone of intensity within the more encompassing arena of biopower and biopolitics. Assembled at the intersection of thought and practice, biosocial power attempts to bring envisioned futures into the present, taking hold of life in the form of childhood, thereby bridging being and becoming while also shaping the power relations that encapsulate the social and cultural world(s) of adults and children. Taking up a critical perspective which is attentive to the contingency of childhoods – the ways in which particular childhoods are constituted and configured – the method used in the book is a transversal genealogy that moves between past and present while also crossing a series of discourses and practices framed by children’s rights (the right to play), citizenship, health, disadvantage and entrepreneurship education. The overarching analysis converges on contemporary neoliberal enterprise culture, which is approached as a conjuncture that helps to explain, and also to trouble, the growing emphasis on the agency and rights of children. It is against the backdrop of this problematic that the book makes its case for refiguring childhood. Focusing on the how, where and when of biosocial power, Refiguring childhood will appeal to researchers and students interested in examining the relationship between power and childhood through the lens of social and political theory, sociology, cultural studies, history and geography.
Willetts, the social market model is attractive because it is based on free markets but also stresses the importance of partnerships between employers and employees within businesses and between a corporation and the wider community. However, this seems an odd choice of economic model for Willetts at this stage in his intellectual development. The social market ideal presented by Willetts seems far more interventionist than the rest of his book would permit. It may be countered that the social market concept is one of more than one meaning and that Willetts has the
communists bottom of the class in understanding the stakes of Muslim Otherness. 6 Granted, Marxism was briefly to feature in my intellectual development. For a few months, the forty-five volumes of the Complete Works of Lenin —all but given away by the Editions de Moscou—made an appearance on the shelves of my library in Constantine. They were not often disturbed from their perch. At the time, in his Critical Introduction to Law (Maspero, 1976), the jurist Michel Miaille provided an account of the landmarks that had led from historical materialism to the “building of
own thoughts on internment and abstentionism and those of his party colleagues, and he was uneasy about the official policy of the SDLP on these matters. Chapter 4 examines the unpublished policy documents drawn up by the party that laid the groundwork for both Towards a New Ireland (1972) and the Sunningdale Agreement, tracing the intellectual development of nationalist thought. It also sheds lights on future party policy on the strategy for reunification for the next decade. While this period highlighted the SDLP’s move from repudiation to participation – to
working-class radicalism’s adjacent band but not the adjacent band of populist radicalism, a subtle difference that added a social dimension to intra-radical relations. Freeden’s model also helps us to understand the process through which ideologies evolve. As the state migrated to an adjacent position in its morphology, working-class radicalism took on a marked collectivist accent. This was an important intellectual development, which is one of the reasons why this book has used the term ‘labourism’ to describe this collectivist ideology. Still, the addition of a
celebrates interdisciplinarity. From its beginnings, it has embraced a range of methodologies and research interests. While one of its greatest strengths, this celebration of flexibility has also been one of its greatest challenges. Cultural studies re-energised other disciplines by making popular culture an object of research, yet it struggled to gain institutional recognition precisely because it did not manage, or refused to conform to, the conventions of a discipline. Cultural studies failed to securely establish itself as a discipline with a clear intellectual