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International organisations are a central component of modern international society. This book provides a concise account of the principles and norms of international law applicable to the intergovernmental organisation (IGO). It defines and explains inter-governmentalism and the role of law in its regulation. The book presents case studies that show how the law works within an institutional order dominated by politics. After a note on the key relationship between the IGO and its member states, it examines the basic relationship between the UN and states in terms of membership through admissions, withdrawal, expulsion, suspension, and representation. The debate about the extent of the doctrine of legal powers is addressed through case studies. Institutional lawmaking in the modern era is discussed with particular focus on at the impact of General Assembly Resolutions on outer space and the Health Regulations of the World Health Organization. Non-forcible measures adopted by the UN and similar IGOs in terms of their legality (constitutionality and conformity to international law), legitimacy and effectiveness, is covered next. The different military responses undertaken by IGOs, ranging from observation and peacekeeping, to peace enforcement and war-fighting, are discussed in terms of legality and practice. The book also considers the idea of a Responsibility to Protect and the development of secondary rules of international law to cover the wrongful acts and omissions of IGOs. It ends with a note on how the primary and secondary rules of international law are upheld in different forms and mechanisms of accountability, including courts.

Abstract only
A ‘new humanitarianism’?
Silvia Salvatici

from finances received for the implementation of specific projects from the UN agencies, the regional intergovernmental organisations such as the European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO) and national governments. 23 In the by now complex global network through which international relief moves, the NGOs as a whole have reached the point where they ‘form the backbone of the delivery mechanism’ 24 and are in the front line of work in the field. Finally, according to much of the literature, the chief promoters of humanitarian action are

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
Silvia Salvatici

in action. 1 This is how President Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed the director general of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), Herbert H. Lehman, in November 1944. A leading figure in the Democrat Party and governor of the State of New York from 1933 to 1942, Lehman had been a strong supporter of the New Deal. However, he had not been given the office of director general of the intergovernmental organisation that had to take the necessary aid to the populations hit by the war ‘to start a new life’ just because

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
Raj Chari
,
John Hogan
,
Gary Murphy
, and
Michele Crepaz

future decisions. Second, some claim that there is an inherent ‘moral’ difference between types of lobbyists or, more simply put, there are some lobbyists that can be considered ‘better’ than others. For example, based on the classifications offered above, a view often heard when we advised the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe – an intergovernmental organisation dedicated to the furthering of human rights – was that corporate lobbying can be considered ‘bad’ when compared to, for example, that done by NGOs which is deemed to be naturally ‘good

in Regulating lobbying (second edition)
Silvia Salvatici

and food – that went back to the long tradition of ‘colonial humanitarianism’. 51 The recent experience of the World War was added to that of the long period of colonialism. The relief and rehabilitation programmes that had opened the road to the post-war reconstruction, in Europe especially, were also an important inheritance for the new path of international relief. From the end of the 1940s on, the improvement in the ‘underdeveloped’ countries’ socio-economic conditions took a major place on the agenda of the intergovernmental organisations, most of all

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989

Scientific Unions and its subsidiary, the Scientific Committee on Oceanic Research. 93 Non-governmental bodies will not be further touched on here as they fall outside the scope of this book. As far as intergovernmental organisations are concerned, the premier organisation at the global level is the IOC, established by UNESCO as a subsidiary body in 1960 in order to ‘promote scientific investigation and

in The law of the sea

Greenpeace (in the first opinion) and the WWF (in both opinions). The ITLOS stated, however, that while not part of the case file, the statements would be placed on its website and also transmitted to the States parties, relevant intergovernmental organisations and the ISA (in the case of the 2011 Opinion) and the SRFC (in the case of the 2015 Opinion). 62 Annex VII tribunals

in The law of the sea

(1) will be a regional fisheries management organisation (RFMO) or arrangement (RFMA) (art. 8(1)). The Agreement does not define an RFMO, but it is widely understood to mean an international intergovernmental organisation (in the usual sense of that term in international law) that has the competence to adopt measures regulating fishing that are binding upon its member States and whose geographical scope is

in The law of the sea
Controlling marine pollution

continental shelf will affect the high seas rather than the coastal State’s EEZ. 152 However, it is clear that there is no political will to adopt such a treaty, as evidenced by the lack of support for initiatives for a global treaty within the Comité Maritime International and the G20 in recent years. 153 The absence of a single global intergovernmental organisation with competence for offshore petroleum

in The law of the sea