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Dana Mills

deprivation of dignity. I seek to find moments in which dance is utilised from the bottom up, protesting a wrong, namely the marginalisation of individuals who are deemed voiceless, less than human. I draw my case studies from one of the areas which is of key interest to human rights activists and theorists worldwide. This is the struggle of the Palestinian people for sovereignty and recognition as a state under international law. This struggle enables the people of Palestine to make human rights claims within jurisprudential structures that belong to a nation state. This

in Dance and politics
Open Access (free)
The dancer of the future dancing radical hope
Dana Mills

violence, those responses subverting intention at times but creating different spaces in which bodies could meet and heal together. The dance continues through the dabke, allowing for people to join and create a shared embodied symbolic space where international law cannot allow that to be created. The argument then creates an embodied dialogue between the dabke dancers, stalled in checkpoints, and Arkadi Zaides’s unravelling of a space for a chorus of Palestinian narrators, made absent by systematic infringement upon their human rights. The argument dances equality and

in Dance and politics
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Philip Hammond

with the politicians making these ‘moral’ arguments, columnists in the Times and Mail sometimes sounded a note of caution and criticism. In the Mail , for example, Stephen Glover argued that ‘Age-old international law is being challenged’ and objected that the logic of ‘ethical’ intervention was an argument for perpetual war: ‘Britain would become a war machine, a martial state with a single end

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Philip Hammond

commentators to symbolise a vindication of the project of regime change, the Guardian still insisted that it ‘does not mean future pre-emptive, unilateral, illegal war-making is now somehow OK’ (10 April). Yet it seemed that the habits of thought developed over a decade of arguing for greater ‘ethical’ intervention, even when it entailed the violation both of international law and of the sovereignty of weak

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Post-Cold War conflicts and the media
Philip Hammond

International Commission on Kosovo (IICK) described its proposals for guiding future intervention as ‘situated in a gray zone of ambiguity between an extension of international law and a proposal for an international moral consensus’, and concluded that ‘this gray zone goes beyond strict ideas of legality to incorporate more flexible views of legitimacy (IICK 2000: 164). Similarly, the ICISS (2001: 11

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Philip Hammond

intervention. Under the headline ‘Shoot to Feed’ (a phrase borrowed from a US official), its 1 December editorial argued that ‘If only force will save Somali lives, force should be used. Acknowledging that the peace-enforcement mission represented ‘a radical departure in international law, the Times argued that the extremity of the crisis made such a change necessary: ‘for humanity’s sake, governments must

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Philip Hammond

11 victims and of upholding international law, and why military action had ‘so far focused on the Taliban, whose overthrow is not a stated war aim’. The core issue, for the Guardian , was that the public was being asked to ‘take an awful lot on trust, an objection it had already raised in editorials on 5 and 15 October. On 5 October, the Guardian posed this issue in terms of the evidence against

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts