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model the idea of a ‘complementary fecundity’ in order to foster the ‘cohesion’ and ‘vitality’ of their children’s psyches. 28 Indeed, as Dolto saw it, this was one of the key tasks of parenting. As Camille Robcis has pointed out, there are resemblances between Dolto’s argument here and the ‘structuralist social contract’ suggested by the work of Claude Lévi-Strauss in The Elementary Structures of Kinship (1949), especially after Lévi-Strauss’s conclusions had been taken up by Jacques Lacan. As Robcis sees it
psychology, while Agnès Desmazières’s L’Inconscient au paradis ( The Unconscious in Heaven , 2011) examined the relationship between psychoanalysis and the Catholic Church. 43 The book that most closely shares the aims of the present text is Camille Robcis’s The Law of Kinship (2013). Robcis emphasises the long-term influence of Lacanian psychoanalysis and Claude Lévi-Strauss’s structuralist anthropology on French family policy, and especially the repercussions for 1990s debates over bioethics, same sex parenting
household size in Wales has been put at around 4.4 members, generally smaller than the English average, although some incidental evidence for Flintshire parishes suggests the average family size in poor Welsh households may have been as low as 3.15.7 The family could, equally, however, encompass wider kin and blood relatives.8 Kinship networks could be predicated on a number of principles, from wider family such as cousins, nephews and nieces, matrilineal and patrilineal relatives by descent, to relatives by law, such as step-children and sons/daughters-in-law, but
disorders” were all cases of blood being expelled from the body in abnormal ways – abjected – and medicine directed itself at the underlying causes rather than at the blood itself. Chinese everyday language of kinship reflects this subsidiary understanding of blood. Where in English, it is common to refer to one’s immediate relatives as one’s “flesh and blood,” in Chinese such immediate relatives are referred to as gurou (骨肉, “bones and flesh.” Flesh and bones are considered part of what is passed on from a father to his children, whereas blood is a yin bodily aspect
WITHEY 9780719085468 PRINT.indd 171 20/10/2011 16:28 Domestic sickness and care in the Welsh home temporary extended medical ‘family’ in terms of the offer and acceptance of care. These localised medical kinship families – in anthropological terms falling under the category of ‘fictive’ or ‘spiritual’ kin – became involved in the care of the sufferer, but were not necessarily explicit or formalised, and were also temporally limited to the duration of the sickness.6 Care of the sick involved a range of familial and extra-familial players, and a willingness to help
and the Preacher: Witchcraft, Popular Magic and Religion in Wales, 1700–1905’ (University of Wales, Swansea: Unpublished PhD Thesis, 2007); Owen Davies, ‘Cunning-Folk in England and Wales during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries’, Rural History, 8:1 (1997), pp. 91–107. Colleen M. Seguin, ‘Cures and Controversy in Early Modern Wales: The Struggle to Control St. Winifred’s Well, North American Journal of Welsh Studies, 3:2 (Summer 2003), pp. 1–17. See, for example, Will Coster, Family and Kinship in England 1450–1800 (London: Longman, 2001); Keith Wrightson
began writing, the ‘kinship of nineteenth-century physics and physiology’ was well established through such eminent authors as Hermann von Helmholtz. 57 This kinship was engendered in a constant flow of metaphors, and a host of leading European scientists of the nineteenth century used the same metaphors of electricity, telegraphs, railways, and so on that Ray deployed. It was highly likely then that Ray himself had merely stumbled upon these metaphors in the course of his daktari education and redeployed them. Such
This view was one which permeated much thinking in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and was subsequently repeated by sociologists and historians alike, reinforced by work such as Family and Kinship in East London , which studied the effects of slum clearance rehousing policy on a close-knit community. 57 However, the results of the Harlow research were surprising: there were fewer cases of mental illness receiving in-patient treatment from Harlow than was expected compared to the experience of the general population; the prevalence of anxiety and tension states
population profile changed fundamentally. By the late nineteenth century, emigration had disrupted family structures and bonds of kinship. Celibacy became a common experience for a large proportion of the population, as an increasing number of individuals, particularly men, never married. Simultaneously, asylum authorities were constrained when managing high rates of admissions that overcrowded asylums. Joan Busfield has argued that ‘patient statistics do not provide objective, standardised levels of madness in different groups: rather they provide us first and foremost
). 18 Scheid, “Globalizing Chinese medical understandings of menopause,” 494. 19 E.g., Marilyn Strathern, Reproducing the Future: Anthropology, Kinship, and the New Reproductive Technologies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992); Jeanette Edwards, Sarah Franklin, Eric Hirsch, Frances Price, and Marilyn Strathern, Technologies of Procreation: Kinship in the Age of Assisted Conception, 2nd edn. (London: Routledge, 1999); Charis Thompson, Making Parents: The Ontological Choreography of Reproductive Technologies (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005); Faye Ginsburg