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Ireland in a global world
Series: Irish Society

Migration to and from Ireland is often the subject of definitive claims. During the 1980s, migration from Ireland was most commonly described as a brain drain. Despite the constant flows and counterflows, academic studies tend to focus on just one direction of movement, reflecting dominant concerns at particular points in time. The 1950s and the 1980s are characterized as decades of emigration, the Celtic Tiger era as a period of immigration, and the current recession is manifest as a return to mass emigration. This book addresses the three key themes from a variety of spatial, temporal and theoretical perspectives. The theme of networks is addressed. Transnational loyalist networks acted both to facilitate the speaking tours of loyalist speakers and to re-translate the political meanings and messages being communicated by the speakers. The Irish Catholic Church and specifically its re-working of its traditional pastoral, lobbying and development role within Irish emigrant communities, is discussed. By highlighting three key areas such as motives, institutions and strategies, and support infrastructures, the book suggests that the Irish experience offers a nuanced understanding of the different forms of networks that exist between a state and its diaspora, and shows the importance of working to support the self-organization of the diaspora. Perceptions of belonging both pre- and postmigration encouraged ethnographic research in six Direct Provision asylum accommodation centres across Ireland. Finally, the book provides insights into the intersections between 'migrancy' and other social categories including gender, nationality and class/position in the labour hierarchy.

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Being Irish in nineteenth-century Scotland and Canada

Catholicism’s image as a consolidated and global church with common methods of worship, clerical structures and parish or mission organisation, new research is showing that factors such as culture, ethnicity, language and gender complicate this picture.3 Mass emigration from Ireland during the nineteenth century introduced a new dimension to Britain’s imperial identity and facilitated the establishment and formation of new Catholic communities that would help to cement Britain’s authority as a governing power.4 The organisational and support networks that they established

in Women and Irish diaspora identities

concluded, to some 118,500 people. As he observed, this was ‘not as high as from the famous regions of Italy’. But, he added, ‘it must be remembered that mass emigration from Italy lasted not much more than twenty years’.2 By contrast, the Cornish emigration was counted in decades. Nor were the Cornish statistics to be taken lightly. Between 1861 and 1900, 44.8 per cent of the Cornish male population aged fifteen to twenty-four left for destinations abroad, with a further 29.7 per cent departing for other counties. Over the same period and in the same group, 26.2 per cent

in British and Irish diasporas

correspondence in which Cullen emphasised the benefits of mass emigration for expanding the influence of the Church in the United States. Cullen used his influence to keep this Irish Catholic diaspora loyal to Rome.6 The ideological enemy in particular was militant Fenian nationalism. Matthew Kelly (in ‘Providence, Revolution and the Conditional Defence of the Union: Paul Cullen and the Fenians’) quotes an 1861 pastoral letter which attacked secret societies. Their machinations, under the pretence of promoting human liberty, were held responsible for promoting drunkenness, the

in Irish adventures in nation-building
Why they matter

emigration by men. So, one key question that must be addressed is what were/are the differences? And, second, what does this tell us about Irish women’s lives, Irish diasporas and perceptions of Irish womanhood? Emigration is one of the central and enduring realities of modern Ireland. The origins of modern mass emigration can be traced to the early eighteenth century; Ireland, unique among modern nations underwent approximately one century of sustained population decline, which was caused by emigration. In 1881 40 per cent of those born in Ireland were living outside the

in Women and Irish diaspora identities
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The public meanings of emigration and the shaping of emigrant selves in post- war Ireland, 1945– 1969

controversial aspect of Irish society, resulting in the departure of well over a million men and women between 1921 and 1971. 6 In this context, where the revivalist code of national identity promoted by elites was antipathetic to both the persistence of emigration and the forms of industrial modernisation necessary for its reduction, the fatalistic rhetoric of ‘exile’ was now redirected against internal aspects of Irish life. Where previously the ‘exile’ signified the injustice of external misrule, mass emigration to the ‘auld enemy’ after 1945 provoked agonised self

in Life history and the Irish migrant experience in post-war England
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Ireland and its relationship with migration

periods as associated with a uni-directional flow of migration. Thus, the 1950s and the 1980s are characterized as decades of emigration, the Celtic Tiger era as a period of immigration, and the current recession is manifest as a return to mass emigration. The reality, for each of these periods, is more complicated. People migrated to, and continue to migrate to, Ireland in all of the emigrant decades, and people continued to leave Ireland during the Celtic Tiger era, often under very difficult conditions. Now, as in the past, the misinterpretation of demographic data

in Migrations

emerged under the auspices of the spirit of Hermes’ free market. In the 1960s, following a long period of moribund economic stagnation and mass emigration, the Irish state decisively abandoned the development model of autarchic economic self-sufficiency based on family farms and small business, and embraced the free market. Joining the European Economic Community on one side, and attracting foreign direct investment by American transnational corporations by offering low taxes and access to European markets on the other, Ireland became a crossroads of economic

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland
The era of inertia in corporate affairs

bombastic politicians and the clergy, rural Ireland was a ‘wasting society’ (Lee, 1989: 334). Many farmers had small non-viable holdings (Hannon and Commins, 1992). Mass emigration was so pronounced that the Irish were considered to be ‘vanishing’ (O’Brien, 1954). Of every five children born between 1931 and 1941 in Ireland, four of them emigrated in the 1950s (Tobin, 1984: 156). It is no wonder that historians have associated this period with terms like doom, drift, stagnation, crisis and malaise, with one Irish writer even describing 1950s Ireland as ‘the climate for

in Corporate and white-collar crime in Ireland

. Neither have those made unemployed by the substitution of livestock for people. Emigration has given to Ireland, for over a century, conditions approximating to ‘full employment’ with no large pool of unemployed labour to form a source of competing non-unionised labour, working either as self -employed persons or for non-union firms. These virtually ‘full employment’ conditions brought about by mass emigration, have been fundamentally different from the normal conditions of massive, growing labour surpluses in the former capitalist colonies.21 As argued no less

in Immigration and social cohesion in the Republic of Ireland