Elizabeth Vandiver, Ralph Keen and Thomas D. Frazel
We have only two substantial eyewitness accounts of the life of Martin Luther.
Best known is a 9,000-word Latin memoir by Philip Melanchthon published
in Latin at Heidelberg in 1548, two years after the Reformer’s death.1 In 1561,
‘Henry Bennet, Callesian’ translated this pamphlet into English; the martyrologist John Foxe adopted Bennet’s text into his Memorials verbatim, including
a number of the Englisher’s mistranslations. For example, where Melanchthon
wrote that Luther nailed his 95 Theses to the door of the Castle
Conformity between the Laws of
God and the Policy of man. I have often thought what noble a topic W. Wilberforce’s
Biographer would have, in tracing the Extent to which his Life and Labours had conduced
to that result.16
At the conclusion of his essay on William Wilberforce, Stephen wrote that the task
of ‘ecclesiastical biography’ was that of ‘mémoires pour servir, in the composition of an
historical picture of English society, political and religious, as it existed in the most
eventful epoch of the history of England, and as it clustered round one of its most
-evaluation of the Church’s absolutist doctrines concerning
permissible and impermissible sexual acts, but has done so from the perspective of
a generally friendly internal critic.1 To quote from his aptly titled memoir, Loyal
Dissent, Curran believes himself to have ‘generally agreed strongly with the broad
fundamental aspects of the Catholic theological tradition’ and to have worked
‘primarily out of that tradition’.2 He would ‘not feel comfortable in any other
tradition’; his ‘problems are with particular church teachings, not with its core dogma
or broad theological
his contribution to a stained-glass window commemorating Martin at St Nicholas’s
Church, Yarmouth, the Bishop of Norwich declared, ‘Could I canonize Sarah Martin,
I would do so.’11 In 1852, a French memoir reckoned Fry would have been canonised
had she belonged to the Catholic faith while Baron von Bunsen (1791–1860), the
Prussian Ambassador to London, described her as ‘my favourite saint’.12 According to
her biographer in the Eminent Women series (1884), to the prisoners whom she served,
‘the memory of Mrs Fry was something almost too holy for earth. No orthodoxly
do I fear them’
(my translation). Voltaire, Le Siècle de Louis XIV (1751) (Paris: Livre de
Poche, 2005), p. 654.
5 Philip Benedict, The Faith and Fortunes of France’s Huguenots, 1600–85
(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), pp. 60–95. Nicolas Lamoignon de Basville,
Mémoires secrets de Lamoignon de Basville, intendant du Languedoc …
(Montpellier: Bureaux d’abonnement des chroniques de Langeudoc,
1877), p. 3a. Briggs, Early Modern France, pp. 16, 116.
6 Clarke Garrett, Origins of the Shakers: From the Old World to the New
World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press
Robespierre during the
procession.1 Some of the more interesting memorials are from observers
who comment not only on the political, but also on the social and cultural dimension. These personal recollections of the Fête, whether written immediately after the event, or as part of more reflective mémoires
published many years later, are of considerable value in trying to assess
the true response of the nation to Robespierre’s unexpected proposition,
since they also often demonstrate the differences between the way that
the political classes and the general public approached
and D. Gutwein, The divided elite (Leiden 1992) for a contrasting view.
91 Endelman, Jews of Britain, 179. B. Homa documented the Machzike
Hadath in his highly partial A fortress in Anglo-Jewry (London 1953).
An alternative view of the dispute can be found in A.M. Hyamson, The
London Board for Shechita, 1804–1954 (London 1954).
92 Finestein, Changing times, 245.
93 Ibid., 219.
94 Roth, ‘Chief Rabbis’, 485. See W.J. Fishman, East End Jewish radicals,
1875–1914 (London 1975).
95 Finestein, Changing times, 245.
96 E. Levine, ‘Memoir’ in Epstein (ed
girls’ lives in the past reinforce stereotypes of female passivity. Despite the lack of historical analyses of
girlhood, a plethora of memoirs and autobiographies – what Breda
Gray calls ‘a memoir boom’ – overtook Ireland beginning in the
1990s.9 The reasons for this are complex, but certainly there was
something ‘cathartic’ or ‘confessional’ about these works, likely tied
to the late twentieth-century Church scandals, criticism of the
Catholic Church’s influence, and writers’ subsequent desires to
expose long-held secrets.10 Disclosures about the horrific treatment
are determined ‘to take control of their own
Glynn 02_Tonra 01 19/06/2014 12:48 Page 36
CLASS, ETHNICITY AND RELIGION IN THE BENGALI EAST END
Figure 2.2 The Muslim League prepares to march to Downing Street and call on the
Prime Minister, Clement Atlee, 1946. Ali Abbas, in the dark coat and hat,
complained in his memoir: ‘all we had from that quarter was his personal
assurance that they would oppose any oppression of the Muslims by the
Hindus’. (Sport and General Press Agency)
The League also organised and distributed its own monthly
’s The Nun’s Story . 26 Three popular memoirs are analysed in this section: A Right to be Merry (1957), The Nun’s Answer (1957) and Barefoot Journey (1961). 27 Written to reach an English-speaking audience and emphasising the perceived uniformity of religious life (especially for enclosed orders), this literature rarely acknowledged national identity. 28
American Poor Clare Mary Francis Aschmann, author of A Right to be Merry , wrote her memoir as if a Poor Clare in the United States lived a more or less similar life to Poor Clares in other far-flung places