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8 Nations, nationality, and civil society in the work of Edward Shils Peter Mentzel Without territory and without tradition there can be no nation; without a nation there can be no civil society. Shils, [1995b] 1997a: 223 This chapter will explore Edward Shils’ original and highly nuanced treatment of the concepts of ‘nationality’, ‘nationalism’, and ‘civil society’. In Shils’ framework, these concepts are closely interrelated, and the ways in which they interact are important for understanding Shils’ broader sociological project. As Athena Leoussi has

in The calling of social thought
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Ireland in a global world
Series: Irish Society

Migration to and from Ireland is often the subject of definitive claims. During the 1980s, migration from Ireland was most commonly described as a brain drain. Despite the constant flows and counterflows, academic studies tend to focus on just one direction of movement, reflecting dominant concerns at particular points in time. The 1950s and the 1980s are characterized as decades of emigration, the Celtic Tiger era as a period of immigration, and the current recession is manifest as a return to mass emigration. This book addresses the three key themes from a variety of spatial, temporal and theoretical perspectives. The theme of networks is addressed. Transnational loyalist networks acted both to facilitate the speaking tours of loyalist speakers and to re-translate the political meanings and messages being communicated by the speakers. The Irish Catholic Church and specifically its re-working of its traditional pastoral, lobbying and development role within Irish emigrant communities, is discussed. By highlighting three key areas such as motives, institutions and strategies, and support infrastructures, the book suggests that the Irish experience offers a nuanced understanding of the different forms of networks that exist between a state and its diaspora, and shows the importance of working to support the self-organization of the diaspora. Perceptions of belonging both pre- and postmigration encouraged ethnographic research in six Direct Provision asylum accommodation centres across Ireland. Finally, the book provides insights into the intersections between 'migrancy' and other social categories including gender, nationality and class/position in the labour hierarchy.

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for detaining and deporting migrants and provide more discretionary powers to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. The Acts also introduce the term ‘non-national’ to describe migrants to Ireland. Though this is an improvement on the previously used term, ‘alien’, it has its own difficulties. Acts that relate partially to migration include the Nationality and Citizenship Acts. These outline the changing basis for Irish citizenship: many argue that the changes were a specific response to growing levels of migration (Lentin 2007a; White and Gilmartin 2008

in Ireland and migration in the twenty-first century
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II

example, in Syria. As denaturalisation is exposed as a political tool that would allegedly appease a feeling of insecurity, nationality law becomes a salient political area where [citizenship] and security work together to separate those with the right to security from those who are excluded from it – the former by granting and

in Security/ Mobility

cultural autonomy, territorial integrity, and symbols of statehood; on the other hand it insisted on the supremacy of the central state and government and strove for a state of affairs where national separateness and ethnic identity would ultimately wither away’.3 The USSR’s adoption of an ‘ethno-territorial’ form of federalism was originally designed as a temporary measure, adopted to entice the nonRussian nationalities to join the union. But as Gleason notes, such a principle entailed a recognition of the ‘national statehood’ of the constituent republics.4 Under Soviet

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia

before December 1922 were included as Irish citizens. The Irish Nationality and Citizenship Act (1935) granted citizenship to all people born on the territory of the Irish Free State. The 2001 Citizenship Act extended entitlement to citizenship to all people born on the island of Ireland, an adjustment that was made as part of the peace process following the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. However, after the Citizenship Act (2005), this only applied to Irish-born children who could count at least one Irish national as a parent. If the child had no Irish parents, there was

in Defining events

materialist awareness of, and concern with, (institutional, regional, professional, socio-economic) ‘locations’ in which postcoloniality is produced and circulated. Robert Young’s intervention here instead emphasises ethnic or national ‘origins’ of critics in isolation from, and at the expense of, such ‘locations’. Crucial to note here is the inconsistency, the doubleness of Young’s standards: he deems ethnicity to be most significant in Spivak’s case, but when it comes to Parry switches tack to emphasise the category of nationality. (I wonder what might have resulted had

in Postcolonial contraventions
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family for migrants living in Ireland and for migrants from Ireland living elsewhere, and shows the ways in which family changes across space and time. The final section of the chapter is concerned with community. In migration studies, the term community often refers to migrants with a shared nationality, such as the Irish community in Australia or the Polish community in Ireland. This section shows the difficulties with this approach to community, and the alternative – and at times contradictory – ways in which migrants define the term. Rather than assuming that

in Ireland and migration in the twenty-first century

the Geneva Convention on refugees because of the emerging types of migrants and refugees do not fit with the categories set out in the Convention.1 The Albanian immigrants were not the largest group reaching the  Mediterranean countries from eastern Europe. Immigrants of various nationalities started moving soon after, legally or illegally, towards the countries of southern Europe. These were the main, silent actors in the  Mediterranean migration scene around the year 2000. They did not follow the sea routes and so did not experience the opportunities and risks of

in Western capitalism in transition
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Doing ethnography and thinking comparatively

contradict that, and dwell for a moment on the presence of comparative thinking in the words of my informants. As we have seen, comparison of banks (BoS, Capital, Halifax) and of nationalities (Scots and English) was a key and almost unavoidable means of indigenous sense-making in the context of merger. I have tried to convey that this was sometimes done sharply, sometimes ambivalently and often somewhere in between. However, I have tended to focus on that portion of the discourse that was emphasising differences, because I think this was being conditioned by, and serving

in Salvage ethnography in the financial sector