-generation immigrants – even if they are not first-generation immigrants themselves. Typically, immigrant-origin children are defined as those whose parents – either one or both – are born abroad, though sometimes the focus is on the parents’ country of origin or nationality, and sometimes the focus is on home language, ethnicity, religion or legal status.
Immigrant-origin students in Ireland often find themselves in a situation whereby, on the one hand, they are ‘outsiders’ with little familiarity of the nature of the Irish school system. On the other hand
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
Patricia Brazil, Catherine Cosgrave and Katie Mannion
around children's immigration status that extend into adulthood and place ceilings on opportunities, including restricting access to third-level education. The chapter draws on research undertaken by the Immigrant Council of Ireland in 2016.
According to the 2016 Census there were 535,475 ‘non-Irish’ representing over two hundred different nationalities and a further 104,784 people who described themselves as dual nationality with Irish being part of that dual identity. Of those who described themselves as having dual nationality, 34,761 (33
share ‘British values’. Their citizenship or/and nationality are hyphenated; they are British-Irish, British-Indian, British-African, British-Arab or, controversially, ‘non-citizens’. 2 These hyphenated citizens, though equal under the law, have been perceived as not nationalistic enough to deserve hyphenated titles like Irish-Welsh, or Nigerian-Scots. Rather, it is their shared British citizenship that endows them with their British hyphenation. 3
In Ireland, the realities of hyphenated citizens, such as ‘black-Irish’ or ‘mixed
”. Naturalization was a solemn exercise, not always but
on average, framed as a “new political birth”, in the words of one
mid-nineteenth-century U.S. official (Spiro 1997 ). If
only because of the perceived impossibility of multiple nationality,
naturalization would have been more likely both to reflect and accelerate
membership in the adopted national community. The transferred attachment was
singular. The naturalized citizen would have had a clear
describes as a multi-ethnic state. This
idea is reflected in the concept Zhonghua minzu (/L) that is used
to express a Chinese nationality transcending ethnic divisions. It is
taken to be inclusive of all ethnic groups in China and is similar in
scope to the assertions of a conscious national identity developed in
several European states in the nineteenth century.
This suggests that, whatever else it may be, what we mean by ‘national’
identity involves some sense of political community, however tenuous. A
political community in turn implies at least some common
about 85 per cent of the population are Irish nationals as many born abroad to Irish emigrants claim Irish nationality, and some immigrants had naturalised by 2011. The single largest group of immigrants came from the UK, over 300,000, or almost 7 per cent of the total population. Almost 56,000 were born in Africa, just 1.2 per cent of the population in 2011.
Table 5.1 Population by region of birthplace, 2011
Number Per cent Ireland 3,745,350 82.5 UK 302,370 6.7 Old EU13 1 60,670 1.3 New EU12 2 218,880 4.8 Africa 55,750 1.2 Asia 79,990 1.8 Nth America
delegation of Scottish Presbyterian Church leaders met with the Home Secretary requesting immigration controls. An (internal civil service) intergovernmental conference held in July 1928 considered introducing restrictions on economic migrants from both the Irish Free State and from Northern Ireland. The advice of the Dominions Office (which was responsible for Irish affairs), in response to these and other such demands, was that ‘persons of Irish Free State nationality were British subjects by birth in one of his Majesty's dominions and as such could neither be excluded
an even less palatable kind. The increasing success,
in Western Europe and elsewhere, of political parties hostile to
immigration is a reminder of these possibilities. 18
3(b) Liberal nationalism
In On Nationality , David Miller
argues that liberalism and nationalism do not have to conflict. He starts
from the premise that nations can provide people with a