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Nationalism, universalism and Europe

The last chapter showed how ‘planning for freedom’ helped the Oldham group map a middle way between laissez-faire capitalism and totalitarian collectivism and offer what most members saw as an alternative to Marxism. But confronting totalitarianism, particularly in its right-wing form, also required engaging with nationalism. The group had mixed feelings about national identity: it saw ‘nationality’ as a legitimate aspect of human community but rejected what it distinguished as ‘national ism ’. This led to an ambivalent patriotism and an interest in

in This is your hour

1 Challenges to national citizenship It is clear from the experience of the United States and Britain that the possession of full, formal citizenship does not impede the development of multiply disadvantaged ethnocultural minorities. (Brubaker, 1998, p. 137) An effect of the popularity of “multicultural” or postcolonial texts is the questioning of fixed and self-evident notions of nationality and citizenship. After decolonization, writers in newly independent countries like Kenya, India or Algeria made nationalism an important issue in their writing. This was

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
Manchester Rotarians and refugees

May the existence of the SRAC was endorsed in a strong ‘Statement’ in the Manchester Bulletin by the club president, the Congregationalist minister, Ernest Hamson, which went on to define its role, to invite Manchester Rotarians to lend it their full support and to comment in passing that ‘RIBI has left no doubt that assistance to Refugees should be regarded as a Rotary activity’.39 In selecting refugees ‘of any nationality and creed’, his statement read, preference would be given to ‘the sons of Rotarians … and in this respect, communications from ex-Rotarians in

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’

in the most trying circumstances. At the same time, the ongoing relevance of the Covenanters to contemporary Scottish faith and nationality was framed by their principles, specifically Christ as the head of a gathered Church on earth and the Bible as the source of ultimate truth. In both of these ways the Covenanters were considered Presbyterian saints: as exemplars of true piety in practice, and an inspiration to those facing correlative challenges in the present. This chapter will examine the position of the Covenanters as beacons of Christianity within the

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
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with the Roman mandate. In the third chapter the focus shifts more directly to sisters, and links are made between the kinds of work they undertook and the development of a Catholic culture that would suit the needs of a church that existed within a stateless and predominantly Presbyterian nation. Their identity as pious women with religious authority complemented the broader middle-class preoccupation with the resurrection of a Christian society through social and moral improvement of the working classes. Statistics highlighting nationality and family connections

in Creating a Scottish Church
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being relegated to the domain of private religious conviction, Catholicism dealt with the challenge by ‘writing itself into the script’ of nationalism.5 This strategy had varying degrees of success, depending on the level and nature of the opposition it encountered in each particular nation. Urs Altermatt has distinguished a number of ways in which Catholic identity interacted with European nationalities, ranging from ‘traditional opposition’ to ‘cultural symbiosis’.6 He has contended that Ireland was an example of the latter model, Catholicism having become, in Sean

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
Mediation, relief work and political activism

circular letter to the clergy of his diocese on 18 March 1920. He asked priests ‘for the signatures of as many parents as possible’ for a mass protest which had been planned for Sunday 21 March. The clergy were expected to organise petitions for lay people in their parishes to give them the opportunity to record their abhorrence. He added that while anything like compulsion would be undesirable, no effort should be spared to bring home to your people the disastrous results to faith, nationality and parental rights, that may ensue if the bill is forced on our country.64

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
The state as actor

deportation for immigrants if they broke the law. Under this act, many non-white seamen with British nationality were arbitrarily registered as aliens. ‘The principle enshrined in the 1920 Order became a cornerstone in the regulation of immigration for decades to come.’15 I call this phase an ‘era of hostility’, because the implicit and explicit arguments in making the policies, the texts of the policies and the implementations of them were premised on the view that the migrants were undesirable, and that it was the responsibility of the policy-makers to protect the country

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
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behind them, or the fear that they would not be willing to do so, sparked increased efforts by the hosts to suppress other nationalist claims. In a study that considers the impact that sisters and nuns had upon the shaping of Catholic culture in the United States, Carol Coburn and Martha Smith explain that the survival and expansion of religious communities was ultimately determined by their ability to ‘Americanize’. They show that within the congregation of the Sisters of St Joseph, the diverse range of nationalities often led to ‘ethnic infighting’, which eventually

in Creating a Scottish Church
The backlash against multiculturalism

present-day French politics, not just in the shape of the National Front, but in the very definition of a Gaullist nation.3 It is no coincidence that the cultural racism of the 1990s which included Le Pen’s anti-Arab rhetoric and also Mitterrand’s regressive phrase “seuil de tolérance” referred explicitly to an ethnic and cultural conception of Frenchness. Legally and politically, the 1990s saw a rollback of the principles of jus soli that characterized French nationality laws. The Pasqua legislation of 1994–96 stripped children of immigrants born in France of the right

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France