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Conflict with minorities

post-imperial state therefore not only lacked the capacity to enforce a monopoly over legitimate violence, it also failed to overcome the challenges of establishing a stable nation among its culturally diverse population. Although the PRC recognised itself as a multi-ethnic state of fifty-six ‘nationalities’ ( minzu ), including the Han or Chinese, pledged to support minority rights and established so

in Violence and the state
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II

example, in Syria. As denaturalisation is exposed as a political tool that would allegedly appease a feeling of insecurity, nationality law becomes a salient political area where [citizenship] and security work together to separate those with the right to security from those who are excluded from it – the former by granting and

in Security/ Mobility

Friends, enemies and the wider war coloured by nationality. This came as a result of the type of air raids most prominent in memory there, worst in 1944 when bombing was heaviest. It may also have arisen from a sense of betrayal by British friends. The Nord-Pas-de-Calais had a longstanding relationship with Britain, and there existed a more complex relationship towards these ‘friends’ whose ‘American-style’ bombing appeared so callous.2 In a few cases, the explanations proposed for the Allies’ choice of targets hinted at an underlying uneasiness with their motivation

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Sources of parliamentary support and opposition

as impartial – ‘We take action irrespective of the creed or nationality of those involved’ (Blunkett 2002 ); evidence-based – ‘this approach is the result of very careful intelligence gleaned from international sources’ (Bridgeman 2002 ); rigorous – ‘Decisions to proscribe are taken with great care by the Home Secretary, and it is right that the case for proscribing organisations must be approved by both Houses’ (Brokenshire 2013 ); transparent – ‘the criteria are clear, as are the offences that follow on from them’ (McNulty 2008); and, open to appeal – ‘if

in Banning them, securing us?
Historical, geographical and political dynamics

‘Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons’ (SDN). Terrorist groups are designated within the Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) list under Section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act. The Act provides that the Secretary of State may add an organisation to the FTO list if it meets three statutory criteria: first, ‘the organization is a foreign organization’; second, the organisation is currently engaged in terrorism or ‘retains the capability and intent to engage in terrorist activity’; and, third, ‘the terrorist activity or terrorism of the organization

in Banning them, securing us?
Abstract only

. And after that, I had my little gas mask. My mother fought for me to have one!’ In Hellemmes, Sonia Agache’s mother found another solution, making for her youngest children ‘a sort of mask from some gauze and some cotton wool’. Masks were not short for everyone, however. Max Potter in Paris found himself in an unusual position: ‘I had two! I had a French one […] and the British Embassy – as I had a British father, I had dual nationality, two passports – the British also gave me a mask!’ Max was proud of his two masks and he showed them off at school. But typically

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Holding government to account?

who is within the jurisdiction of the UK is a member of, or associated with, any of the four proscribed organisations listed in the order, can he be deported to a country where he will almost certainly be put to death or at least subjected to inhumane and degrading treatment or torture? I am greatly worried about the powers that we are taking to ourselves because the rights, privileges and the guarantees of the convention apply to everyone in the jurisdiction, irrespective of nationality. (Hermon 2002 ) 2 Others focus more closely on the utility of proscription

in Banning them, securing us?
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Their commencement, effects and termination

restrictions upon the freedom of residents possessing adverse-party nationality. For countries which have ratified Geneva Convention IV relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949, 50 civilians present in the territory of the adverse party are protected by the terms of that Convention immediately upon the outbreak of hostilities. 51 Relations between

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
Abstract only

potential recognition as are the regular forces. Mercenaries Until the adoption of Protocol I no attempt was made to discriminate among the members of an armed force on the basis of their nationality or the motives which lead them to join that force, whether those motives are ideological or mercenary. 70 In view, however, of the number of mercenaries who enrolled in colonial armies

in The contemporary law of armed conflict

was consistent in his anti-interventionism cum anti-imperialism, contrary to other British liberals who were ‘more selective’, 82 as in the case of James Mill and John Stuart Mill. 83 Mazzini, nationality and non-intervention/intervention Mazzini, like Cobden, was not a political philosopher, but a politician and activist. He is known today as the ‘Beating Heart of Italy’, the foremost inspirer of Italian unification. But in his

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century