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David Farrell-Banks
and
Lorna-Jane Richardson

. The past and the far right To date, the twenty-first century has seen a political shift to the right in British politics, policy, and media commentary. Far-right sentiment and authoritarianism continue to flourish across Europe and North America. Biologically determinist notions of nationhood, heritage, and white ‘cultural erasure’ have relocated to

in The ethics of researching the far right
Abstract only
Liam Stanley

to save money due to austerity. Yet the particular dynamics of these changes can only be explained through longer histories of welfare and immigration, relations of race and class, and post-imperial British nationhood. It is these histories that position different groups as closer to the core or closer to the periphery of Britishness, thereby gradating how valuable and worthy of national resources they are. These boundaries are not only made more visible when resources become scarcer, like objects revealed by a receding tide – but the conflict over them intensifies

in Britain alone
Marcos Robledo

civil-military relations have exhibited different phases throughout history. From a historical perspective, the nineteenth century demonstrated a very high level of ‘internal’ political violence, including several civil wars in 1829–1830, 1851, 1859, and 1891. There is growing agreement about the importance of the link between war making and the building of the state and nationhood (Cid 2012 ). The wars against Peru and Bolivia (1836–1839, 1879–1884), and the colonial and genocide war against the Mapuche aboriginal

in Governing the military
Sneha Krishnan

This chapter comments on why questions about love and romance increasingly occupy a central place in political debate in India. Focusing on the intimate scale at which caste and communal politics play out, it argues that young women’s bodies are iterated as sites at which ideas about nationhood and culture come to cohere. In doing so, it uses examples from the author’s ethnographic research conducted from 2012 onwards in the city of Chennai.

in Passionate politics
Arthur Aughey

collectively. As the CPC report of 1996 had put it, accommodating ‘nationhood’ was not the same thing as appeasing ‘nationalism’. Major’s secretary of state for Scotland, Ian Lang, wholeheartedly supported this approach. His view (Lang 2002: 211) was classically Tory: that conceding the principle of devolution meant more would be lost than could possibly be gained. There could never be any certainty where the process would end: ‘devolution would bring risk and uncertainty’ and it would be ‘the beginning, not the end’ of nationalist demands. Lang equally could see no good

in The Conservative Party and the nation
Katie Linnane

were, at their core, endemic to an established Anglo identity. It did not necessarily include ‘second wave’ immigrant Australians, nor did it encompass the Indigenous experience. Rather, these identities were marginalised, even silenced. Instead of constructing an image of Australia as culturally plural and democratically inclusive – a political community that required its members to share a sense of purpose by adhering to civic principles – Howard constructed a sense of nationhood that drew from cultural cues. Through his words, Howard was reconstituting Australian

in The politics of identity
Abstract only
The persistence of left-nationalism in post-war Wales
Daryl Leeworthy

’s sense of nationhood was mediated by his commitment to – and central role in – the defining unionist project of the 1945–51 Labour governments and what he perceived to be the necessity of collective solidarity as Britons, as much as (if not more than) as English, Welsh, Scots and Northern Irish. He concluded: Wales is different, not in the fact that she possesses coal and steel, docks and harbours, factories and an intricate web of economic activities. These are part of the common life of the United Kingdom. She is different in that she has a language of her own, and

in Waiting for the revolution
Abstract only
Elizaveta Gaufman

concentrated on localized issues and not all-encompassing issues of Russian identity, as McGlynn notes ( McGlynn 2020 ). One of the main aims of this project is to create a dialogue between nationalism and IR literature with regard to performances of nationhood and grassroots responses to governmental foreign policy. As Allen Carlson has noted, with nary an exception, 3

in Everyday foreign policy
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Resisting idealising resistance
Maryam Mirza

of the limitations of the epithet ‘postcolonial’ when grappling with post-1947 realities and imaginaries in South Asia, but also highlights the contested nature of resistance and often-attendant notions of freedom, identity and nationhood. Throughout this book, I have sought as much to problematise the concept and praxis of resistance, whether this resistance is of a ‘revolutionary’ kind or not, as

in Resistance and its discontents in South Asian women’s fiction
Zoltán Gábor Szűcs

loyalty on the part of the subordinates. In fact, it is easy to conflate the political-ethical implications of citizenship with nationhood and populism because they have a largely overlapping constituency and all alike are based on membership. But this should not mislead us when examining the political-ethical experience of illiberal regimes because, in reality, membership in a people, a

in Political ethics in illiberal regimes