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If walls could talk

Northern Ireland is regarded as one of the most successful 'post conflict' societies in the world. The reimaging of Belfast as a 'post conflict' city tends to gloss over these persistent divisions. This book provides a thought provoking and comprehensive account of teenagers' perceptions and experiences of the physical and symbolic divisions that exist in 'post conflict' Belfast. Despite Northern Ireland's new status as one of the most successful examples of the resolution of what was once seen as an intractable conflict, the peace walls which separate Protestant and Catholic areas remain in place. The book examines the micro-geographies of young people and draws attention to the social practices, discourses and networks that directly or indirectly (re)shape how they make sense of and negotiate life in Belfast. It focuses is on the physical landscape enclosing interface areas and the impact that it has on the perceptions and actions of young people living in these areas. The book explores how physical divisions are perceived and experienced by young people who live in interface areas and how they view the architecture of division. It pays attention to the impact of place on teenagers' social relations within and between the localities in which they reside. The city centre of Belfast epitomises the city's status as a 'post conflict' city. A recurring argument is that identity does not exist 'out there'. The book shows how social relationships are inherently spatial and how identities are influenced by place and impact on it.

Teens’ perceptions and experiences of peace walls, flags and murals
Madeleine Leonard

is visibly marked by the ‘peace walls’, and the core focus of this chapter is on the multi-dimensional uses of walls both within and between interface areas. Walls are blank canvases that can be used to communicate various sentiments and mark out claims to ownership of space. They can be inviting for some and threatening to others. In interface areas, graffiti adorns gable

in Teens and territory in ‘post-conflict’ Belfast
Abstract only
Madeleine Leonard

understood before Belfast can truly claim its ‘post conflict’ status. Despite Northern Ireland’s new status as one of the most successful examples of the resolution of what was once seen as an intractable conflict, the peace walls which separate Protestant and Catholic areas remain in place, and are one of the most enduring and visible legacies of the conflict. However, despite their longevity

in Teens and territory in ‘post-conflict’ Belfast
Madeleine Leonard

groups confirmed that the questionnaire could be completed within one hour, which was the time slot allocated to us by most schools. Given that the study was interested specifically in the legacy of the conflict as manifested physically by the peace walls which continue to mark out interface areas, the questionnaire ended by asking respondents to imagine that the last page was a blank wall dividing two

in Teens and territory in ‘post-conflict’ Belfast
Ted Aubertin

flying or signs that were up which said ‘FTQ’, which stood for something to the Queen, and the other one said ‘FTP’, and that stood for something else to the Pope. So you knew by looking at the wall which area you were in. In those days you didn’t have the demarcations which later came about, where they DAWSON 9780719096310 PRINT (v2).indd 36 14/10/2016 12:19 ‘I got shot through the head’ 37 had republican areas, unionist areas and it was all marked off much more clearly. You had the ‘peace wall’ and all that sort of business going up, but that was in the early

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
Churnjeet Mahn, Sarita Malik, Michael Pierse, and Ben Rogaly

. Walls have become one of the defining political emblems of our times. Nationalist walls manifest a political will and hostile state reaction to migrants and refugees, despite the varying efficacy of the walls themselves. Then there are the walls designed to keep neighbours apart: the euphemistically described ‘peace walls’ in Northern Ireland, which are more numerous now than before the Good Friday Agreement peace accord of 1998, and Israel's ‘Apartheid Wall’ in the Palestinian West Bank, with its associated infrastructure of permits, movement restrictions and

in Creativity and resistance in a hostile world
Bethany Waterhouse-Bradley

official end and established a forced power-sharing Executive. However, the region remains plagued by ethnic division and the socio-economic scars of the conflict. Housing, schools and many social and cultural activities remain segregated. More than 108 ‘peace walls’ create physical divisions between majority Protestant and Catholic neighbourhoods, most of which were erected after the ceasefire. A period of relative political and social stability, coupled with the expansion of the European Union in 2004–2007 (A8 and A2 accession), have led to a

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands
An emplaced approach
Madeleine Leonard

could not hide the fact that the core issue of identity … continues to be avoided’. Alongside this reimaging, there remains the reality of two communities choosing to continue living apart in areas divided by peace walls and other territorial signifiers. While recent years have seen more concerted policy attempts to face up to enduring spatial divisions, for the purposes of this chapter I will focus

in Teens and territory in ‘post-conflict’ Belfast
Sandra Buchanan

scale. Since 2012 under its ‘Strategic Framework for Action 2012–2015’, the Fund has concentrated its efforts on its Community Transformation Strategy, focusing primarily on its Peace Walls Programme, Peace Impact Programme, and to a lesser extent Completion and Sustainability17 and now Consolidation through its 2016–20 strategy.18 EU Peace Programmes outlined Background, funding, and activities Following the 1994 paramilitary ceasefires, the European Commission, in seeking to provide practical assistance to the region’s fledgling peace process, 186 THEORIES OF IR

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
The search for a place vision after the ‘troubles’
William J. V. Neill and Geraint Ellis

-spatial expression of ethnic identity. Abstract regulations and statistical classifications of space in the 1960s planning documents were to quickly pale before the brute reality of the hastily prepared Orange and Green maps of sectarian space familiar at every ‘security force’ base in the region. The hard edge of ethnic spatial management was evident in the all too visible presence of CC-TV surveillance, watch towers, listening antennae, fortified police stations and ‘peacewalls. The suspicion that in the military management of ethnic conflict urban planning decisions involving

in Northern Ireland after the troubles