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18 Ultras 1 The ultras’ performance Shortly before kick-off at the UEFA Europa League match between Legia Warsaw of Poland and FK Aktobe of Kazakhstan in 2014, the home fans displayed a giant frieze that extended across the height of both tiers of the Zyleta stand of the stadium. The image was a lampoon of the logo of UEFA. In the centre of the UEFA insignia was an illustration of an obese pig, dressed in a shirt bestowed with euro currency symbols. In his trotters, the pig was holding a piece of paper inscribed with ‘6 < 1’. Underneath this altered UEFA logo

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112 Ultras 5 Ultras and the performance of gender As the fans descended the steps of the Curva Nord at Lazio’s Stadio Olimpico for their match against Napoli at the start of the 2018–19 season, they were confronted by pieces of paper placed on the seats of the front rows. This is not unusual for choreographies as coloured pieces of card or paper are often laid out in order to create the tifo. On closer inspection, these flyers were in fact not part of a display, but a decree to the fans: The Curva Nord represents for us a sacred space, an environment with an

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96 Ultras 4 Social media as a space of continuous performance Throughout the season fans everywhere are filled with excitement and anticipation as their teams battle and compete for glory and to avoid disappointment. The success and failure of football clubs becomes a symbolic representation of individuals, cities, regions and nations across the globe. Yet the competition is not limited to what takes place on the field. For ultras, status and solidarity is reflected in their spectacular choreographies, and the new season provides more opportunities for

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The passion and performance of contemporary football fandom

Since their emergence in Italy in 1968, ultras have become the most dominant style of football fandom in the world. Since its inception, the ultras style has spread from Southern Europe across North Africa to Northern and Eastern Europe, South East Asia and North America. This book argues that ultras are an important site of enquiry into understanding contemporary society. They are a passionate, politically engaged collective that base their identity around a form of consumption (football) that links to modern notions of identity like masculinity and nationalism. The book seeks to make a clear theoretical shift in studies of football fandom. While it sits in the body of literature focused on political mobilisations, social movements and hooliganism, it emphasises more fundamental sociological questions about group formation, notably collective performances and emotional relationships. By focusing on the common form of expression through the performance of choreographies, chants and sustained support throughout the match, this book shows how members build an emotional attachment to their club that valorises the colours and symbols of that team, whilst mobilising members against opponents. It does this through recognising the importance of gender, politics and violence to the expression of ultras fandom, as well as how this is presented on social media and within the stadium through specular choreographies.

This article describes the operational practices of the city morgue in Santiago, Chile and their effects on the family members who come to claim the bodies of their loved ones. It explores the impact of the body‘s passage through the morgue on the observance of rituals surrounding death and mourning. An underlying conflict can be identified between the states partial appropriation of and interference with the body and intrinsic needs associated with the performance of funeral rites in accordance with cultural and religious precepts.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
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direction of the curva to bring more fans into the performance. The collective outpouring of emotion was incongruous, as the goal seemed to come from nowhere; there had been no sustained passage of play that suggested a goal might be scored. Pisa had dominated possession for a few minutes, yet Livorno broke away to land the classic sucker punch and produce delirium among their fans. Only moments before that delirium there was a collective intake of breath as the home player sprinted towards goal; the Livornese had a very different set of emotions. But in the seconds after

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antagonistic interaction  –  people experience a pervasive feeling of tension … at higher levels of intensity … [this tension] shades over into fear. It is for this reason that Chapter 2 argued that emotions are an important factor in understanding fandom. Fear, anger, anxiety and tension can all contribute to violence, but it does not automatically equate to physical violence. The performances of bravado associated with masculinity are often individualised performances designed to take control of one’s emotions in the context. The main theoretical arguments of this book

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A conclusion

openly racist and nationalistic. Many are apolitical in an ideological sense, but will engage with football politics that affect their activities. What unites all ultras is an emotional, passionate support for their local club. This fandom extends well beyond the ninety minutes of a football match and comes through social media posts, planning choreographies and conversations in the pub. The ultras have a fairly common form of expression through the performance of choreographies, chants and sustained support throughout the game. Through the rituals of the performance

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see the development of a fan phenomenon, but also how history is woven into the performances of the groups and symbolises the love they have for their club, locality, nation, politics or religion. Nobody verifies the ‘rightness’ of the fans’ stories, or checks whether the ultras’ performances correspond to historically verifiable facts. As Tonkin (1995: 2) highlights: ‘In more than one language, the same word – in English it is “history” – has to stand both for “the past”, history-as-lived, and “representations of pastness”, history-as-recorded.’ The etymology

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Centralising emotions in football fandom

) argued that the euphoria of the collective ritual dramatically contrasted with the mundane life of the disparate hunter-gatherers. Coming together for the ritual and actively engaging in the collective performance produced a ‘collective effervescence’ that bound the members. Durkheim (1964: 217) spoke of ‘transports of enthusiasm’ and a ‘sort of electricity’ among those physically co-present which ‘launches them to an extraordinary height of exaltation’. The ritual not only provides the focal point for the members to attend, but also provides the collective social

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