This article describes the operational practices of the city morgue in Santiago, Chile
and their effects on the family members who come to claim the bodies of their loved ones.
It explores the impact of the body‘s passage through the morgue on the observance of
rituals surrounding death and mourning. An underlying conflict can be identified between
the states partial appropriation of and interference with the body and intrinsic needs
associated with the performance of funeral rites in accordance with cultural and religious
Noelle M.K.Y. Kahanu, Moana Nepia and Philipp Schorch
ka kakau (traditional Hawaiian tattoo) artist Keone Nunes
completed a Hawaiian uhi (tattoo) in full view of an audience including
faculty and students from the university, visiting artists and members of
different Pacific Island communities (Figure 18.5). People could sit in the
gallery, listen to the sound of him tapping, watch and ask questions, or
view the action from outside through large glass windows. As curator and
photographer, I, Moana Nepia, was also part of the audience, shifting focus
between my responses to the performance in front of me, what my
, performance and translation, across generations, and across
fraught borders of culture and place.
It was a time when we were coming to see the borders of identity as
dynamic, continually transgressed and remade, in specific historical relations of power, often unequal, but never static or unidirectional. Mary
Pratt’s concept of the ‘contact zone’, drawn from colonial situations of
dominance and transculturation, gave me a way of reconceiving the hierarchical, authoritative spaces of the Western museum. Readers may recall that
the essay ‘Museums as Contact Zones’, which
From Samoa with Love? at the Museum Fünf Kontinente, Munich
different. As descendants
pointed out to me quite definitely, in all three ethnic shows there were
persons of rank who travelled to Germany, for example in 1900 Te’o Tuvale
(1855–1919) and in 1910 Tupua Tamasese Lealofi (1863–1915). Te’o and
Tamasese, apparently like many Samoans, perceived the ethnic show tour
as a kind of malaga,13 or diplomatic visit. In Germany, the high chiefs did
not of course participate in the performances, but supervised them. As
persons of rank, they expected to meet German dignitaries and to engage
with them in the exchange of gifts and other
Collection (Warminster: Aris
Phillips, J. P. (2002), The Columns of Egypt (Manchester: Peartree).
Szpakowska, K. (2007), Daily Life in Ancient Egypt: Recreating Lahun (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell).
University of Swansea (2010), ‘Experiment and Experience: Ancient Egypt in the
Present’, conference, 10–12 May, programme at www.egypt.swansea.ac.uk (last
accessed 3 January 2015).
Watkins, C. with Carnell, E., Lodge, C., Wagner, P. and Whalley, C. (2001), ‘Learning
about learning enhances performance’, NSIN Research Matters 13 (Spring), 1–9.
Watkins, C., Carnell, E
: British Museum Press).
Baines, J. (1995a), ‘Kingship, definition of culture, and legitimation’, in D. O’Connor
and D. P. Silverman (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Kingship (Leiden: Brill), 3–47.
Baines, J. (1995b), ‘Origins of Egyptian kingship’, in D. O’Connor and D. P. Silverman
(eds.), Ancient Egyptian Kingship (Leiden: Brill), 95–156.
Baines, J. (1996), ‘Myth and literature,’ in A. Loprieno (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature:
History and Forms (Leiden: Brill), 361–77.
Baines, J. (1999). ‘Prehistories of literature: performance, fiction, myth’, in G. Moers
regular performance of rites and the supply of provisions for
the deceased. Animal cults which underwent a considerable degree of development
and proliferation during the Saite era flourished. They now required additional
staff and mummification facilities to meet the increased demand, suggesting
that the cults were now available to greater numbers of people. The changes
in landownership associated with the increase in commercial activity and
egypt of the saite pharaohs
agricultural output helped to boost the economy and enlarge the tax base, and
Remaking the ethnographic museum in the global contemporary
Viv Golding and Wayne Modest
Stanley Baldwin. A
photographic performance work, We Bury Our Own (2012), was the fruit of
the first collaboration, and his latest piece was created five years on in 2017.33
Thompson wanted to work directly – physically and emotionally – rather
than digitally with the photographic collection. He was moved by the ‘ethnographic’ portrait images of men staring straight at the colonial lens of the
camera, and the head and shoulder framing showing traditional scarification
and body painting, as well as Western hair combing. His ancestors touched
Thinking and working
cultural behaviour, and in fact all human behaviour. These behaviours make
the object a taonga, they bring it back to life, and in doing so, bring life to the
descendants of those taonga.32
In other words, the activation of Paikea by his descendants was a curatorial
act; an act of pastoral care with life-giving ramifications. In the days that followed, Paikea was greeted each morning, talked to, embraced, lifted gently
on and off stage for public performances, and shaken by stirring renditions
of his haka (Figure 14.3), then carefully and somewhat
casting each individual
chisel in a clean crucible. Upon becoming cold, each casting immediately
received a sequential identity project number punched into it before its designated flat or crosscut taper was hammered to shape. This number referred to
its metallic content, its scientifically determined hardness and its performance
in cutting different wood and stone types (Stocks 1988, II: appendix C, 1–4;
appendix H, 1–6).
The casting of the chisels took place in open sand moulds. Six chisels were
designated as copper tools, project nos. 1–4, 6 and 26, and six chisels