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E.A. Jones

underscored the idea that anchorites were dead to the world by numerous striking echoes of the medieval liturgy of death and burial: from the procession through the cemetery to reach the cell, to the psalms and antiphons chosen, the performance of the ‘last rites’, the open grave and the sprinkling of dust upon the recluse. 3 The verbatim recording of an anchorite’s profession [ 6 ] is a late development, and perhaps

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550

both crafts and fraternities consolidated identities at once pious and civic by honouring the town’s patron saints and through their promotion and performance of plays based on sacred subjects [ 106 ], [ 114 ], [ 115 ]. 8 Those plays, some of whose texts we are fortunate to be able to read, were not (as has sometimes been imagined) bland and merely conventional tableaux , but were by turns funny

in Towns in medieval England
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. Anyone interfering with the searchers in the performance of their duty shall pay a fine of 40 d. That no servant [journeyman]* of the said craft shall hire another servant to work for him in the same craft, so long as he is a servant or of the degree of a servant, on pain of 40 d. That no stranger or servant of the said craft shall be in any place

in Towns in medieval England

, renounce all injustice, accustom and persuade ourselves to the performance of every kind of righteous deed, confess our sins – just as is necessary for us – and fervently repent and henceforth refrain from them as zealously as we can, and always obey our lord loyally and faithfully. 4 Moreover, God’s Church is to be held in greater respect and possessed of greater protection than

in The political writings of Archbishop Wulfstan of York
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justice’. 158 The fulfilment of this rightful service marks the measurement of the ecclesiastical year, the acknowledgement of ecclesiastical privileges, and the differentiation of ecclesiastical from secular land. The rigorous observance of Godes gerihta – the timely payment of Church dues, the proper performance of Church rituals, and the scrupulous respect for Church privileges, especially the

in The political writings of Archbishop Wulfstan of York

body of the Church by the anathema of the apostolic see; that the performance of every divine office was forbidden to him, except the singing of psalms; that all access to the abbacy of Reichenau or to any ecclesiastical office was closed to him forever, 812 because he had been charged with simoniacal heresy and, having been summoned to a synod twice and three times to clear himself of the charge

in The Annals of Lampert of Hersfeld

boldly be accustomed to it. 119 19. All these things considered and carefully ascertained, we decreed that this lamentable pollution of incest, breathed out into the public, “should be purged by the performance of public penance”.’ 120 <123> Here we briefly

in The divorce of King Lothar and Queen Theutberga
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John H. Arnold and Peter Biller

Part I: Heretics’ Texts Introduction to Part I Both Waldensian and Cathar heretics made considerable use of texts. Some of these related to theology – books and apocrypha of the Bible, theological treatises, 1 tracts drawn up for use in debate 2 – and some contained prayers. 3 The dualist heretics also had books which set out the liturgical performance of their rituals. 4 Heretics could display scholarly concern with the precise wording of a text, 5 and some of their texts were used and read not only by

in Heresy and inquisition in France, 1200-1300
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. Ritual did not function as an adjunct of political power: instead, Geertz claimed, the theatre-state created a different kind of power (a sort of inner potency radiating outward from centre to periphery) in which the court (‘negara’), through its rituals, became a microcosm of the heavenly order, while the realm, through performance of state rituals, came to resemble the court. This

in Court and civic society in the Burgundian Low Countries c.1420–1530
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and the ringing of the city’s bells, and – increasingly – interspersed with stages upon which actors and/or mechanical devices represented ‘stories’ or ‘mysteries’ judged fitting to the occasion by the organisers of the event [ 14, 16 ]. 3 The staged performances were sometimes accompanied by written scrolls or by an actor to communicate the content and

in Court and civic society in the Burgundian Low Countries c.1420–1530