correctly could find themselves the object of royal disfavour.
Choices about who to get to present addresses and ask to introduce the
addressers were also far from straightforward – not only could influential
individuals be offended if they were not approached to present or introduce
addresses, the choice of presenters and introducers sent out important
signals about the political and religious affiliations of the
Critically, these choices and this performance had to be done
correctly to secure access to the
Democratic accountability and the
institutionalisation of performance auditing
This chapter explores the changing role of supreme audit institutions
(SAIs), or national audit offices, in the institutionalisation of performance
auditing as a part of democratic accountability. It examines how performance auditing of state and other public institutions has become increasingly important in most OECD countries (Posner & Shahan, 2014). Most
SAIs seem to have moved from a relatively narrow focus on technical and
legal accounting to a wider focus that now
Popularity and performance? Leader
effects in the 2016 election
Stephen Quinlan and Eoin O’Malley
Introduction: What role for leaders in shaping the vote?
Understanding what motivated Irish voters to vote the way they did in 2016
requires us to go beyond the traditional determinants of voting behaviour and
to look at alternative stimuli. In this chapter, we focus on one of these, namely
the impact of party leaders on vote choice. A prominent strand of research in
political science suggests that party leaders have grown in importance in recent
This book shows that neoliberalism is a complex phenomenon that is linked to public administration and management in no straightforward manner. The key problem for critical neoliberalism is how the state can and should govern in a situation of epistemological finitude without infringing on individual freedom. The book explores neoliberalism first in terms of a critical problematisation of government and then in terms of a constructivist problematisation. Over the last two or three decades, the public sectors of many liberal democracies have seen a tremendous surge of reforms, programmes and policies seeking to promote accountability, credibility and evidence. These include the institutionalisation of ever more sophisticated performance-measurement systems and the accreditation of institutions providing key public services. The ambition is to move from a rule-based to a result-based public sector. The book examines how performance auditing of state and other public institutions has become increasingly important in most OECD countries. It discusses the general shifts in the regulative ideals informing the making of the civil-servant persona in liberal democracies. The quest for accountability, credibility and the use of evidence in the public administration are examples of a more or less new form of power. This form of power is in turn informed by what the author calls 'constructivist neoliberalism'.
This book examines the causes, character and impact of the 'winter of discontent' in British politics, particularly the strikes of 1978–1979 and the role of the government in managing industrial relations. It examines how the media reported the industrial strife, the significance of the 'winter of discontent' in the history of the Conservative Party and its impact on the 1979 general election. The role of the media coverage of the British 'winter of discontent' raises a number of interesting historical and methodological questions. The book focuses on how the media including the national and local press, television and radio, reported the causes, character and impact of 'winter of discontent' in Britain. Press hostility towards the unions was particularly unrestrained during the industrial unrest of September 1978 to March 1979, at a time when trade union membership peaked at 13 million. Currently, the cultural, economic, social and political histories of the 1970s are being subjected to increasingly detailed scrutiny by historians and social scientists. From September 1978 to March 1979, the Callaghan government appeared to be swept by a wave of strikes, go-slows and industrial stoppages. The 'winter of discontent' has now become coded shorthand for poor economic performance, over-mighty union barons, industrial anarchy and an ailing Labour administration that, according to its political opponents, made Britain 'the sick man of Europe'.
Dominant visions have tended towards imagining Europe as an object - an entity of one sort or another. This book explores the different spaces of Europe/European Union (EU). The first part of the book presents research critically examining actor practices within familiar spaces of action - the European Parliament and the European Commission. It makes the case for the salience of research which distinguishes between spaces of 'frontstage' and 'backstage' politics and shows the interactions between the two. One cannot understand how EU gender mainstreaming policy really works unless one engages with the processes and actors involved. The second part presents research showing how, through their political work, a range of individuals and groups have sought to reconcile Europe with social representations of their industry or their nation to bring about change. It presents a case study of impact assessment of flatfish stocks in the North Sea, and contributes to the cross-fertilisation of Science and Technology Studies with a political sociology of the EU. The book shows how actors are pursuing regional interests, and the work they do in referencing Europe promotes agendas in the 'home' contexts of Scotland and canton Zurich. The final part of the book explores practices of EU government which either have been under-explored hitherto or are newly emerging. These are the knowledge work of a European consultant; measurement work to define and create a European education policy space; collective private action to give social meaning to sustainable Europe.
Michael Breen, Michael Courtney, Iain Mcmenamin, Eoin O’Malley and Kevin Rafter
is that there should be a greater emphasis on economic policy in bad times, but
we find more emphasis on economic policy in both very good and very bad
times. Second, we study nine more media outlets for the 2016 election. In doing
so, we establish the importance of commercial orientation and media format in
reacting to economic performance.
In the next section, we focus briefly on the media’s representation of Ireland’s
economy in order to contextualise our study. In the subsequent section, we
develop the concept of exogeneity, i.e. the idea that forces outside
detail as existing economic circumstances, the local tax base and the views of residents at the outset of the process are
relevant. In an evaluation, NEM itself acknowledged spatial and temporal issues.
In the Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) it issued in December 2006 it stated
the need to include its ‘extended boundaries’, given the addition of Gorton and
Newton Heath to the original neighbourhoods in 2004, owing to the impact this
change would have on any evaluation of progress. Yet some might assert that this
emphasis upon the specificity of the circumstances
Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658-1727 makes an important contribution to the ongoing debate over the emergence of an early modern ‘public sphere’. Focusing on the petition-like form of the loyal address, it argues that these texts helped to foster a politically-aware public through mapping shifts in the national ‘mood’. Covering addressing campaigns from the late Cromwellian to the early Georgian period, it explores the production, presentation, subscription and publication of these texts. Through an in-depth examination of the social background of subscribers and the geography of subscription, it argues that addressing activity provided opportunities to develop political coalitions. By exploring the ritual of drafting and presenting an address, it demonstrates how this form was used strategically by both addressers and government. Both the act of subscribing and the act of presenting an address imprinted this activity in both local and national public memory. The memory of addressing activity in turn shaped the understanding of public loyalty. The volume employs corpus analysis techniques to demonstrate how the meaning of loyalty was transformed over the seventeenth and eighteenth-centuries. The shifts in public loyalty, however, did not, as some contemporaries such as Daniel Defoe claimed, make these professions of fidelity meaningless. Instead, Loyalty, memory and public opinion argues for that beneath partisan attacks on addressing lay a broad consensus about the validity of this political practice. Ultimately, loyal addresses acknowledged the existence of a broad ‘political public’ but did so in a way which fundamentally conceded the legitimacy of the social and political hierarchy
The volume explores a question that sheds light on the contested, but largely cooperative, nature of Arctic governance in the post-Cold War period: How do power relations matter – and how have they mattered – in shaping cross-border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? Through carefully selected case studies – from Russia’s role in the Arctic Council to the diplomacy of indigenous peoples’ organisations – this book seeks to shed light on how power performances are enacted constantly to shore up Arctic cooperation in key ways. The conceptually driven nature of the enquiry makes the book appropriate reading for courses in international relations and political geography, while the carefully selected case studies lend themselves to courses on Arctic politics.