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The church as sacred space places the reader at the heart of medieval religious life, standing inside the church with the medieval laity in order to ask what the church meant to them and why. It examines the church as a building, idea, and community, and explores the ways in which the sanctity of the church was crucial to its place at the centre of lay devotion and parish life. At a time when the parish church was facing competition for lay attention, and dissenting movements such as Lollardy were challenging the relevance of the material church, the book examines what was at stake in discussions of sanctity and its manifestations. Exploring a range of Middle English literature alongside liturgy, architecture, and material culture, the book explores the ways in which the sanctity of the church was constructed and maintained for the edification of the laity. Drawing on a wide range of contemporary theoretical approaches, the book offers a reading of the church as continually produced and negotiated by the rituals, performances, and practices of its lay communities, who were constantly being asked to attend to its material form, visual decorations, and significance. The meaning of the church was a dominant question in late-medieval religious culture and this book provides an invaluable context for students and academics working on lay religious experience and canonical Middle English texts.

’s Day approached. This chapter will consider how these self-conscious performances were planned and orchestrated, and what the texts reveal about the relationships between the Bartholomean preachers and their various audiences. As the content and delivery of sermons were manifestly affected by external political pressures, the chapter will examine what Michael Braddick, John Walter and others 55 55 Black Bartholomew’s Day have termed the ‘negotiation of power’.3 It will be seen that parliamentary legislation and political action at local and national level impinged

in Black Bartholomew’s Day
The search for a republican morality

In Year 2 of the Revolution (1794) Robespierre, seeking to establish a new deist national morality created the Festival of the Supreme Being celebrated on 20 Prairial Year 2 (8 June 1794). This book begins by tracing the progress in the development of Robespierre’s thinking on the importance of the problem which the lack of any acceptable national moral system through the early years of the Revolution had created, his vision of a new attitude towards religion and morality, and why he chose a Revolutionary Festival to launch his idea. It focusses on the importance of the Festival by showing that it was not only a major event in Paris, with a huge man-made mountain on the Champ de Mars; it was also celebrated in great depth in almost every city, town and village throughout France. It seeks to redefine the importance of the Festival in the history of the Revolution, not, as historians have traditionally dismissed it, merely as the performance of a sterile and compulsory political duty, but on the contrary, as a massively popular national event. The author uses source material from national and local archives describing the celebrations as well as the reaction to the event and its importance by contemporary commentators. This is the first book since the 1980s and the only work in English to focus on this Festival and to redefine its importance in the development of the Revolution.

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accepted Catholics. It also taught the classics which Logue’s parents thought essential if, as they seemed determined to ensure, their boy was to become a priest.1 He maintained a high academic performance and was transferred to a boarding school in Buncrana in preparation for the Maynooth entrance exam in 1857. Logue 2 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland took the test a year early at the age of seventeen. Despite being the youngest candidate, he achieved first place and was accepted into the seminary. The result was by no means certain as parents of other

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
The claim of reason

to exclude excessive feelings connected with Palestine–​Israel which threatened this institutional autonomy. Next, I turn to consider the wider conditions shaping this melodrama of the Enlightenment university as I show this performance to be a response to anxieties and insecurities circulating within British higher education. Against a background of heightened uncertainty for universities threatened by postmodernism, a resurgent liberal nationalism and marketisation, this melodrama prescribed boundaries, affirming a particular sense of the university’s moral

in Tragic encounters and ordinary ethics
Samuel Willes and the 7th Earl of Huntingdon

self-justification Willes pointed out that ‘if your Lordship had vouchsafed me an earlier command, I had then had some possibility of working my poor endeavours into something proportionate to ye solemnity of ye occasion and ye treatment of ye audience’.21 Such an explanation was a significant matter. Clientage, by its nature, implied criticism of a patron if the client was ineffective. What did such ineffectiveness say about the discrimination and discernment of a patron? So Willes’s desire for his ineffective performance to be viewed as a function of insufficient

in Chaplains in early modern England

occupied by the witches, who still awaited the King’s judgement, just as the King’s Men awaited the judgement of their audience. The currency of the play’s subject and the expectations of spectators (in addition to details about its production) are revealed in a fascinating account by Nathaniel Tomkyns, discovered by Herbert Berry. In a letter of 16 August 1634, Tomkyns tells his friend Sir Robert Phelips of a visit to the Globe Theatre to see a performance of the play (I reproduce the account from Berry’s fine article): Here hath bin lately a

in The Lancashire witches
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600 or so followers by 1712 likewise suggest a steady devotion. Such emphasis on the numbers and names of their followers reveals a unique image-consciousness that would rapidly translate into dramatic performances.13 Unlike Reeve and Muggleton, who presented themselves as the two witnesses of the Apocalypse, James Nayler as the Messiah or Thomas Moor(e) and William Freke as the new Elijah, the French Prophets never claimed to embody a specific biblical figure supposed to usher in the Second Coming. Rather, they acted as God’s Instruments performing an apocalyptic

in Enlightening enthusiasm
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propose that Irigaray’s insights and her development of a language of fluidity in which female subjects can emerge can be extended to the creative performance of other sorts of difference. The structure of the book This book is divided into three parts, each of which has several chapters. Part I discusses the grip of rigid binary thinking on Western culture and begins to show something of Irigaray s challenge to it, especially in her earlier work. In Chapter 1 we consider the centrality of binary logic for Western philosophical thinking exemplified by Parmenides, and

in Forever fluid

Hutchinson is particularly fitted for such a study because, despite the loss of most of the established Church records in the Four Courts Fire of 1922, there is enough extant primary source material to enable a detailed picture to be built up of his time as bishop between 1721 and 1739. Consequently, it is possible to detail the events surrounding his rise to the episcopacy, the reaction in Ireland to his appointment, and his relationship with his clergy and fellow bishops. His performance of the spiritual and temporal duties of his new office will also be assessed. I In

in Witchcraft and Whigs