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Abstract only
Margaret Brazier and Emma Cave

treatment, and another be given the experimental and hopefully more effective treatment; or (b) one group will be given a new drug, and the other a placebo. 126 For an outsider there are a number of worrying features to RCTs. First, there is again the question of consent. Second, there is concern that the control group is denied a chance of superior treatment. 127 In particular, public anxiety was highlighted by a trial involving 3,000 women at risk of conceiving a spina bifida baby. Studies had shown that similar women appeared to suffer a reduced incidence of

in Medicine, patients and the law (sixth edition)
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Peter John, Sarah Cotterill, Alice Moseley, Liz Richardson, Graham Smith, Gerry Stoker, and Corinne Wales

behaviour. The other half of the volunteers were allocated to a comparison group who were sent an information pack on opportunities for citizen participation in the neighbourhood. The information pack contained information that was already publicly available and marketed to residents, and, as such, was similar to a placebo treatment. There were two waves of the experiment. In the first, existing opportunities to participate were unchanged; what was new was the proactive approach by the contact centre, combined with a local neighbourhood officer, providing

in Nudge, nudge, think, think (second edition)
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Peter John, Sarah Cotterill, Alice Moseley, Liz Richardson, Graham Smith, Gerry Stoker, and Corinne Wales

students in a UK university to take part in the experiment and they were randomly assigned to receive one of three treatments: a four-page information booklet using techniques from behavioural economics to encourage registration; the information booklet followed by a 15-minute group discussion on topical organ donation issues; an information booklet about swine flu (placebo control). The information nudge consisted of a four-page tailored information booklet using persuasion techniques based on behavioural economics

in Nudge, nudge, think, think (second edition)
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Derrida's recreational pharmacology and the rhetoric of drugs
Dave Boothroyd

simple reversal of the relationship between the law on drugs and a rectification of the substance/effect dichotomy, which according to Szasz is simply perceived the wrong way around: We are repelled by the opium habit (for example) not because it is harmful, but the other way around: we regard it as harmful in order to maintain our justification for prohibiting it. (Szasz, 1974: 34) 44 Culture on drugs For Derrida this would constitute a kind of double-blind argument: it is a pharmakon whose effect is distorted by a placebo factor. In other words, with this simple

in Culture on drugs
Dave Boothroyd

of the ‘mental excess’ he has to struggle with, he inevitably gets little written down whilst he is high on drugs (Michaux, 1974: 46). What he learns is that in order to write per se, he must be a writer of the border. This, too, is a kind of ordeal, one which anyone writing on drugs today must face: such a writer must reject the seductions of both trippedout mysticism and instrumental reason, evade the police, hide from the psychiatrists, risk being sold poison or placebos and negotiate all other forces of control which strive to determine the meaning of ‘drugs

in Culture on drugs
Rob Boddice

practice equates to authoritative recognition and corroboration of a medical problem: emotive success. In and of itself this was doubtless a form of relief. It has become newly important in such figures of pathology and cure, therefore, to make a serious commitment to exploring how far remedies actually worked. In what Javier Moscoso has called the ‘moral economy of hope’, historians of experience and cultural historians of medicine take seriously contemporary research into the placebo effect and ask how historical iterations of this might have been brought

in The history of emotions
Abstract only
Rob Boddice

as agents integral to scientific practice : the principles of observation, experiment, and theory, and reciprocally, the practices of the self’. 15 And of course, those practices are overlaid with evaluative judgments that bespeak normativity, or the category of the ‘moral’, broadly conceived. Javier Moscoso, when talking about the complex pre-history of placebo and the virtues of treatments that were bound both to medical authority, personality and cultural values, framed the discussion by the ‘moral economy of hope’. 16 Doubtless, Daston was the

in The history of emotions