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Civil religion in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and the Commonwealth
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This book introduces a discussion of a fundamental paradox concerning contemporary society and government in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK). There is strong evidence of continuing trends towards a more secular and less religious society and pattern of social behaviour. At the same time, religious doctrines, rituals and institutions are central to the legitimacy, stability and continuity of key elements of the constitutional and political system. Outlining the thesis of secularization, the book attempts to account for the failure of secularisation theory. The oaths of the accession and of the coronation of the monarch are the central affirmative symbolic acts which legitimate the system of government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) and the place of the monarchy at the apex of the political system. The book explores some remote and dusty corners of the constitution of the UK that might be of some importance for the operation of the UK political system. The 1953 coronation ad many features of the 1937 coronation on which it was modelled. The religious rituals of the UK Parliament appear to be much more fixed and enduring than those devised in the context of devolution since 1999 to resolve tensions between the religious and political spheres in the 'Celtic' regions. A profound limitation of Anglican multifaithism as a doctrine for uniting the political community is its failure to connect with the large secular population.

The crown, persuasion and lordship
Philippa Byrne

beyond the individual judge’s probity and virtue, and into concerns about how judicial persuasion and the inappropriate application of pardon or punishment could damage the political community. In this chapter, the earthly stakes are high. Mercy: politic, political and rhetorical choices As seen in the previous chapter, in the letters of Gilbert Foliot and Adam Marsh, mercy was a thing to be asked for, to be considered by the judge, but not always a thing to be given. Argument and persuasion could be used to advance justice

in Justice and mercy
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Good relations, freespeech and political activism
Ruth Sheldon

communicate and who is entitled to participate (Fraser 2009). At stake in this politics are struggles over how competing experiences of suffering can be spoken and heard. Conflicts over the very boundaries of the relevant political community are enmeshed with demands arising out of the entangled, ongoing histories of European antisemitism and colonial violence, which cut across territorial borders. The questions raised by this justice conflict speak to the contemporary condition of our democratic politics, which is shaped by processes of globalisation, the legacies of

in Tragic encounters and ordinary ethics
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Unsettling subjects of justice and ethics
Ruth Sheldon

about the criteria for claims-​making. This includes tacit agreement about what counts as a substantive matter of justice, implicit consensus regarding the grammar through which claims are made and agreement over the scope of the political community with the sovereignty to participate and decide. While this form of political engagement is organised around dissent, Fraser highlights that ‘disobedience to its constitutive assumptions remains contained’ (ibid.: 49, my italics). In contrast, ‘abnormal justice’ connotes situations in which the shared presuppositions that

in Tragic encounters and ordinary ethics
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Ronald Dworkin

ignored earlier: no political community can allow its members freedom to choose and act on all their convictions about value. It cannot allow individuals to choose for themselves whether and when the person or property of others should be respected, or what sum the right account of distributive justice requires them to pay in taxes. If we are to sustain our claim about religious freedom, then we must find some adequate way of distinguishing religious convictions, and the role these play in people’s lives, from these other convictions about what is right and wrong. Once

in Religion and rights
Irina Kudenko

. Britishness has become viewed as an act of belonging to the national political community rather than the sharing of white English ‘culture’. Finally, the prevalence of ‘identity politics’ gave legitimacy to minority groups’ collective representation in the public space, with at least some of their citizenship rights being group based. These developments have taken place in the context of declining class-based politics, rising levels of secularism and increasingly consumer-oriented attitudes to social policies and identities. As a result, mainstream British society, which in

in Leeds and its Jewish Community
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Islamism and liberalism in the Arab world: some theoretical remarks
Uriya Shavit
and
Ofir Winter

centre of the political and social sphere; the political community is sovereign and the ruler draws his or her legitimacy from it, rather than from the grace of God; no faith should be forced upon a person; and scientific research and political action should be guided by human logic, empirical study and scepticism, and not by religious canon.19 The first use of the term ‘liberals’ to define a political group was recorded at the beginning of the nineteenth century in Spain, to describe the defenders of the 1812 Constitution, and in England as a derogatory term used by

in Zionism in Arab discourses
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Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Elliot Vernon

a strong effect on politics more narrowly defined as the institutions and ideas constitutive of the political community. Many of the debates on the subject from the 1630s to the 1660s were triggered by forceful conversations on how to prevent the church from being used as a naked political tool of kings and magistrates, or, conversely, to prevent the clergy from establishing a separate sphere of authority.4 In addressing the relationship of church polity to political power, the belligerents in the mid-seventeenth-century British Atlantic world also sought to

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
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Learning the languages of peace
Stanley Hauerwas

political community. Violence is therefore embedded in the very concept of liberty that lies at the heart of liberal doctrine. That concept presupposes that the morally independent individual’s right to violent self-defence is yielded to the state and that the state becomes the sole protector of individual liberties, abstracting the right to kill from domestic politics, denying to any agents other than states the right to kill at home and abroad. The right to kill is the right to behave in violent ways toward other people – especially toward citizens of foreign states at

in Religion and rights
Shailja Sharma

perspective, partialism is in fact the most influential in realpolitik and in any discussion of culture and citizenship. Why does partialism have such a strong hold on notions of citizenship and its attendant belonging? According to Gibney, ‘if one accepts the partialist view of the state as a warm and intimate association, what separates citizens from foreigners is clearly a great deal more than legal status; they are separated also by the mass of shared understandings, practices, and common history which make the political community a site of special importance’ (Gibney

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France