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An international research initiative run by the Development Learning Programme based at the University of Birmingham. See: www.dlprog.org/research/thinking-and-working-politically-community-of-practice.php . 9 By the same token, elites must have super-brains. 10 Since the mid 2000s, there has been a growing number of computer games and software programmes that claim to allow interested parties to experience what it is like to be a refugee or subject to a disaster. The Darfur content on Google Layers, for
Introduction Recent interventions in visual theory claim the camera affords the disenfranchised a form of political participation through the civil space opened up by the medium, a space where creator, subject, and spectator intersect ( Azoulay, 2008 ; de Laat, 2019 ). Beyond merely being a technology for producing pictures, the camera is understood as mediating social relations, and as such is an inherently political medium. Crucial to this formulation is visibility: being seen enables participation in a political community, even if only through a
individualism into a political force 105 and provides a premise for evaluating social organisations and questioning their justice. Hence, the criterion for humanitarian intervention is the condition of the contract. The contractors enjoy certain natural rights which they agree to transfer to the political community. If the community forfeits these rights, humanitarian intervention, it is argued, will restore the
could be established from two different points of departure. First, from the nature of custom as a source of law with a communitarian basis. Klabbers for instance holds that customary law constitutes ‘the aggregate of activities of the members of a political community’. 83 When a customary rule is established then, it is applicable to the legal order in its entirety, that is, to all the subjects that are members of the community. 84 The definitive factor then is not statehood, but membership in a community. 85 Such membership carries with it both the duty to
’ political community; or an international organisation is less suited for protecting everyone’s interests); or for legal reasons (e.g. an international organisation is ultimately too transparent as a legal structure, and the member States are too independently present); or for political reasons (e.g. States do not wish to share their power). When the possibility of international organisations’ independent legal agency is addressed, this is generally done – as may be gleaned from earlier International Law Commission materials – in terms of political viability . To be
proposals do not necessarily countenance the extension of parallel rights to groups which cannot find expression through such processes, as seen above in relation to the role of NGOs. The dissatisfaction engendered by cases such as Ethyl and Metalclad 72 is a reminder of the difficulties in ensuring that such processes really do meet the needs of modern political communities. But while many
, and consequences. (Hogwood and Gunn 1984) The definition of an issue also implies some action. Usually, this will be in the form of a policy decision. By distinguishing the systemic agenda from the institutional agenda, Cobb and Elder have made an important contribution to the task expansion debate (Cobb and Elder 1972). The systemic agenda is composed of ‘all issues that are commonly perceived by members of the political community as meriting public attention and involving matters within the legitimate jurisdiction of existing governmental authority’ (Cobb and