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Mary A. Procida

men who gradually emerged as the main obstacle to Anglo-Indian women’s continued exercise of imperial political power. As the Ilbert Bill controversy of 1883 and, later, the interwar policies of Indianization revealed, Indian men, with the support of the British, were gradually moving into positions of authority in the Raj. The nationalist movement further demonstrated that

in Married to the empire
Britain and Australia 1900 to the present
Author:

Explanations of working-class politics in Australia and Britain have traditionally been heavily rooted in domestic 'bread and butter', socio-economic factors, including the much-debated issue of social class. 'Traditional' and 'revisionist' accounts have greatly advanced our knowledge and understanding of labour movements in general and labour politics in particular. This book offers a pathbreaking comparative and trans-national study of the neglected influences of nation, empire and race. The study is about the development and electoral fortunes of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the British Labour Party (BLP) from their formative years of the 1900s to the elections of 2010. Based upon extensive primary and secondary source-based research in Britain and Australia over several years, the book makes a new and original contribution to the fields of labour, imperial and 'British world' history. It offers the challenging conclusion that the forces of nation, empire and race exerted much greater influence upon Labour politics in both countries than suggested by 'traditionalists' and 'revisionists' alike. Labour sought a more democratic, open and just society, but, unlike the ALP, it was not a serious contender for political and social power. In both countries, the importance attached to the politics of loyalism is partly related to questions of place and space. In both Australia and Britain the essential strength of the emergent Labour parties was rooted in the trade unions. The book also presents three core arguments concerning the influences of nation, empire, race and class upon Labour's electoral performance.

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Hugh Morrison

emotions, to ‘shape and reshape individual identity, social relationships, and different kinds of communities’. In so doing she aligns the idea of emotional labour with political power, the idea of emotional practices and also emotional communities. 97 Vallgårda’s study of Danish missionaries in South India is the most significant application of this concept for the history of missions. She uses it in a more

in Protestant missionary children’s lives, c.1870–1950
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Katie Donington

Speaker of the House of Assembly in 1756, thus strengthening his economic influence with the acquisition of significant political power. 57 His position as Speaker allowed him to shape and control the Assembly’s discussions. He could secure a place for his own concerns and temper those planters who wished to legislate to the detriment of the merchants. The colonial assembly was

in The bonds of family
Alastair Massie

significance, acquired as an assertion of political, as opposed to purely military, dominance. Although the stool, because examples in Asante iconography are both literally and metaphorically perceived as seats of power, was initially regarded by the NAM as the most important object intended for the case, this belief proved incorrect. Research suggested that the Aya Kese was much more than simply the sacrificial bowl described by Thomas Edward Bowditch in 1819, 26 but an item of religious and political power which was said by King Prempeh, following his deposition by

in Dividing the spoils
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Mary A. Procida

necessitated, first, by the Indianization of the imperial services and, ultimately, by Indian nationalism and colonial independence. As Anglo-Indian wives had feared, Indian men inherited the mantle of political power from the British in 1947. Ironically, however, in light of Anglo-Indian assertions of Indian misogyny, women also rose to political prominence in both India and Pakistan

in Married to the empire
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Conquering the maharajas
Harrison Akins

constructed slowly and piecemeal and oscillated between confrontation and alignment, between spectacular representations of European might and culture, and incorporation of local idioms and methods of rule.’ 8 They further observed that the pragmatic construction of European sovereignty over distant colonial possessions had a distinct purpose to the forms of political power that emerged within Europe itself, stating: European states never aimed at governing the colonial territories with the same uniformity and

in Conquering the maharajas
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Felicity Jensz

used as a ‘powerful plea’ amongst supporters in Britain. Relationships between government and missionary bodies, especially Nonconformists, needed to be negotiated to ensure the effective provision of schooling and the effective maintenance of political power. Although they were natural allies, not all missionaries worked with governments, not all did so harmoniously, nor did all accept the conditions

in Missionaries and modernity
Harrison Akins

subscribe to certain dogmas?’ 45 With Congress positioning itself in 1946 as the logical inheritor of political power in India and its policy toward the princely states becoming clearer, the princes grew ever more anxious about what their position would be following the transfer of power. As Lord Wavell reported back to London: ‘The Rulers of States are perplexed and anxious; they realise that their former protectors, the British, are going, that they will be subject to the agitation of Congress, and that the end of their

in Conquering the maharajas
Harrison Akins

therefore lacked the lure of easy profit and loot. These alliances with Indian princes, which were primarily military in nature, not only allowed the East India Company to expand its available military strength without bearing the costs of building up its own forces, but also to curb the political power and independence of surrounding kingdoms who Company officials saw as too apt to engage in internecine warfare harmful to their bottom line. Of course, they did so without considering their own role in the violence during

in Conquering the maharajas