Fund in October 2010. Innovation funds, innovation labs and innovation studies
subsequently proliferated, and by 2016 innovation had become important enough to be
adopted as one of the central themes of the World Humanitarian Summit.
The ALNAP research specifically framed innovation as a response to external threats,
stating that ‘[i]f established aid organisations fail to prioritise innovations,
they are in danger of losing popularsupport and being overtaken by new types of relief
additional public support. Third world advocates, in Canada as elsewhere, had been convinced since the mid twentieth century that remedies to global inequalities started with the support of citizens at home ( Ermisch, 2015 ). Many NGOs and international government agencies of the late mid-twentieth century had embarked on campaigns of information aimed at sustaining public opinion in favor of long term work, between upsurges of popularsupport of relief during situations of war and natural emergency. Such work with the public, education included, enhanced the humanitarian
Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
Schulz and Touquet, 2020 ).
While sexual violence in conflict and displacement is sometimes used to terrorise the
victim, community or population at large, it may also be employed to garner popularsupport. This is particularly the case for sexual and other forms of gendered
violence against those perceived as ‘undesirables’ or whose sexuality
‘must’ be policed by the society or community in question. This may
include queer and trans persons as well as alleged drug traffickers
funding landscape changed dramatically and the public
perception of NGOs was also altered irrevocably [ Chabbott, 1999 : 227; Hilton
et al. , 2012 : 301]. Biafra might not have been the
first instance of popularsupport for NGOs, but it certainly accelerated their
development into the kind of sector that we are familiar with now [ O’Sullivan et al. ,
Marie-Luce : I agree with what Kevin has just said. Biafra is a very
–Israeli peace process as well as an
instrument of political protest against an indigenous Arab regime.
Hamas is an excellent case study with which to
demonstrate the role religion performs in political conflict. Currently,
Hamas is gaining in popularsupport due to renewed violence
in the Middle East and the Palestinian population’s increased
endorsement of suicide or ‘martyrdom’ operations against
This book is about the public language of the 'war on terrorism' and the way in which language has been deployed to justify and normalise a global campaign of counter-terrorism. It explains how the war on terrorism has been reproduced and amplified by key social actors and how it has become the dominant political narrative in America today, enjoying widespread bipartisan and popular support. The book also explains why the language of politics is so important and the main methodological approach for analysing the language of counter-terrorism, namely, critical discourse analysis. Then, it provides the comparison drawn between the September 11, 2001 attacks and World War II and the attack on Pearl Harbor. One of the most noticeable aspects of the language surrounding the attacks of September 11, 2001 is its constant reference to tragedy, grievance and the exceptional suffering of the American people. The book focuses on the way in which language was deployed to construct the main identities of the protagonists. It demonstrates how terrorism is rhetorically constructed as posing a catastrophic threat to the American 'way of life', to freedom, liberty and democracy and even to civilisation itself. The book analyses how the administration's counter-terrorism campaign has been rhetorically constructed as an essentially 'good' and 'just war', similar to America's role in World War II. Finally, the book concludes that responsible citizens have a moral duty to oppose and resist the official language of counter-terrorism.
The chapter explores the political-ethical experience of living in illiberal regimes through the prism of the office of elected magistrates. It examines how the ambition of politicians to seek power and glory through electoral success in illiberal regimes shapes the political-ethical experience of certain people within such regimes. Given that illiberal regimes are built on unfair but real multiparty electoral competitions in order to secure real popular support and that elections in illiberal regimes are always as much about the survival of the regime as about winning elections, the office of elected magistrates plays a uniquely distinguished role in illiberal regimes which provides people who hold or seek elected offices with plenty of reasons to come to terms with the regime. The chapter explains how illiberal ambition is formed by a great variety of potentially conflicting demands of the constitutional purpose of the office, the demands of linkage, and the demands of integrity and carefully examines how these three kinds of demands raised by holding elected office in illiberal regimes are deeply affected by the various principles of action that define illiberal regimes in neo-Aristotelian terms (egalitarian, competitive, electoral, oligarchic, and self-preservative). The chapter pays due attention to the differences between those who are supporters and opponents of the regime and also those who are incumbents and those who only seek to hold an elected position. The specific problem associated with those who are opponents of the regime but hold some elected office (‘incumbents-in-opposition’) is also briefly addressed.
The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
. Resistance is shaped by the political
context in which it is embedded and practices do not define resistance per se.
Three aspects need to be analysed in order to understand the role of violence as
a tool of resistance: the context of war, the motivations that popular classes have
to support or create armed groups, and how extensive this popularsupport is.
Whereas the context of war was analysed in previous chapters, this one will
focus on the other two aspects – motivations and support. These two aspects
account for the defining elements of resistance, including the