Abstract only
Theoretical approaches

sight of a corpse is the distance that they put between themselves and violence’ (2006: 44). 14 Finn Stepputat For Bataille (1991) the constant containment or repression of the fear of death and the sentiments that death produces characterises the profane domain of everyday life. This includes in particular the taboo against killing, while its transgression characterises the sacred domain of sovereignty, what Mbembe (2003) calls the domain of death. In Bataille’s interpretation, sovereignty is intrinsically embedded in the body and in life as a biological force

in Governing the dead
Open Access (free)
Theoretical approaches

sight of a corpse is the distance that they put between themselves and violence’ (2006: 44). 14 Finn Stepputat For Bataille (1991) the constant containment or repression of the fear of death and the sentiments that death produces characterises the profane domain of everyday life. This includes in particular the taboo against killing, while its transgression characterises the sacred domain of sovereignty, what Mbembe (2003) calls the domain of death. In Bataille’s interpretation, sovereignty is intrinsically embedded in the body and in life as a biological force

in Governing the dead

5/15/2014 12:51:23 PM Post-revolutionary Iran  193 It is this reintegration that is attacked by profane burial, by putting religious taboos in motion that render it impossible. Beyond the physical elimination of those who are identified as outside of post-revolutionary society, the apparatus of repression aimed for their symbolic and enduring removal from the social world. Islamic ideology, fabricated ad hoc by the protagonists of violence, and the manner in which this ideology took control of religious rules, thus offer a privileged view of the symbolic orders

in Destruction and human remains
An ethnography in/of computational social science

middle of lived life and (all-too) profanely human students, with their partying, gossiping and what have you. And I, the ethnographer, was very much part of that chaotic, relational, situated social life, inhabiting a large number of personal biases that would inevitably shape everything I learned about the students. The ‘ground’ I saw myself enmeshed in was nothing like ‘a truth’. Yet, when passing from me to my fellow researchers, my ethnographic data seemed to cross an invisible boundary whereby it changed character, becoming in the process of transition a sort of

in Ethnography for a data-saturated world

its cue from Csordas and van der Geest's invitation to upturn the distinctions between what is often regarded as belonging to the sacred and to the medical. Not only is the ‘medical’ a problematic concept, indeed the ‘sacred’ is equally problematic. As pointed out by Asad ( 2003 : 29), the history of the ‘sacred’ as the antonym of the ‘profane’ is closely associated with the rise of the modern secular. Therefore we need to ask which ways of being human are enabled or disabled within a social formation that has been built around such terms

in Descending with angels
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, 1997) and emotional response (Goodwin et al., 2001) to changes to the game to which the ultras devote their lives helps mobilise their responses. The rituals of the ultras rely on a symbolic focus. Tradition dictates that this is on the symbols of the club and the ultras group themselves. The profane symbols of rivals are also mobilised against. With Against Modern Football, new foci are emerging, in particular the police and football authorities, which unite ultras in different ways. Choreographies will regularly include various tropes, such as ‘ACAB’ or ‘UEFA Mafia

in Ultras