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Power, control and the 1830 Beer Act

rigorous application of magisterial discretion, as called for by Disney, would remain one of the most contentious and divisive issues in public debates on alcohol for the next two centuries. The principle of ‘need’ The kind of concerns expressed by reforming magistrates were given official sanction in 1787 when George III was cajoled by William Wilberforce into issuing a Royal Proclamation against vice, profaneness and immorality. The Royal Proclamation, and the Proclamation Society that Wilberforce immediately set up to support its implementation, called on 83 chap7

in The politics of alcohol
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

the same building, and also an image, or rather a counterfeit of one. And although this building – which we treat with contempt and condemn, and, as much as it pertains to us, we consider and also proclaim profane and condemned, having been built not for the devotion of faith but from the quest of greed, as the profits of the exploits clearly proclaim – is

in Monasticism in late medieval England, c. 1300–1535
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Verbal offences on the streets of Modena

as heretics are. It follows that although Inquisitors have no jurisdiction over Jews, like infidels in so far as they are such, they can be treated as heretics in certain cases.27 With this in mind, the association of Jews with the offence of bestemmia hereticale seems less radical, almost a natural ‘assimilation’ as Marina Caffiero suggests, allowing the inclusion of Jews in the Inquisition’s jurisdiction.28 The Inquisition published its own edict in July 1600, which called upon Modenese inhabitants to denounce to the Inquisition anyone who was heard profanely

in Jews on trial

–97), whose Discourse on Sacred and Profane Images of 1582 contains one of the fullest statements of Counter-Reformation views on art. 25 When Paleotti gets to defining what kinds of works are unacceptable, he devotes entire chapters to paintings of each of the following sorts: those that are false and mendacious; that are improbable; that are indecorous; that lack proportion; that are imperfect; that are useless and vain, or ridiculous, or with unusual and new subjects, or with obscure meanings; that are imprecise, crude and frightening, or monstrous; plus no fewer

in Indispensable immigrants
Political drinking in the seventeenth century

healths to the exiled King, Royalists not only kept his cause alive, but constantly reminded themselves what the Royalist cause stood for: the restitution of that aristocratic hegemony so rudely and violently interrupted by Cromwell and his henchmen. It must, then, have come as something of a blow when – within days of his Restoration – Charles II issued a Royal Proclamation against those ‘vicious, debauch’d, and profane persons’ who: spend their time in taverns, tipling-houses, and debauches, giving no other evidence of their affection to us, but in drinking our health

in The politics of alcohol
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vestments, and one of the raiders profanes a consecrated host, thus making Jesus himself a victim of the Black and Tans.7 Admittedly Guinan’s parish priest and curate both held that killing RIC constables was immoral.8 But the discourse of clerical victimhood which his book advanced nonetheless served to supplant the memory of clerical condemnation of IRA violence during the War of Independence. In his 1949 witness statement to the Bureau of Military History, Bishop Fogarty of Killaloe said that he had believed at the time that ‘the national interest would over-­ride such

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
Open Access (free)
The change in mentality

concerning the supposed murder by the Jews of the child William of Norwich (1144), begins with the assumption that the Jews indeed need to kill a Christian child, because he had heard this from an apostate Jew, Theobald of Cambridge.19 The libel regarding Jewish desecration of the Host began in 1290 in Paris when an apostate Jew named Jean de Thilrode related the account, in the first person: a Parisian Jew named Jonathan purchased the sacred bread, the Host, from a Christian servant woman. Jonathan supposedly gathered the Jews together for the ceremony of profaning the

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe

’s activities, and their perceptions of themselves and the world they inhabited. My feelings of unease are not unique. Michael Camille has warned that ‘[o]ur modern notion of the separateness of sacred and profane experience’ may cause us to underestimate the breadth of medieval culture and the interpenetration of the secular and the spiritual within it. 4 James K. Farge cautions that the modern world’s ‘[deft separation of] the sacred from the secular’ makes it hard to comprehend why, in sixteenth-century France, the Parlement de Paris was even more dedicated than the

in Law, laity and solidarities

Statutes of the Scottish Church 1225–1559, 36. 55 Finucane, ‘Sacred Corpse, Profane Carrion’, 42. 56 Hay, William Hay’s Lectures on Marriage, 3. 57

in Death, life, and religious change in Scottish towns, c.1350–1560